Four-Day Workweeks are destined to become the status quo for many. With AI closing the gap between busywork, and productivity, it is not a surprise that O'Connor and Lindzon's book meet readers so cordially. There are several reasons to read this book, among them being its importance to cultural conversations taking place at workplaces around the world (for global, to even large national corporations and organizations; there are case studies of smaller companies implementing it for competitive talent retention ends). It is a well-written, and heavily researched book. It's not a rarity to see that in a business book, but to the degree the authors have maximized paginated real estate to do so is a fait accompli. And readers are better for it; Evidence-based anything, is potential profit everything.
Readers approaching the book would do well however, to consider their industry in the implementation of the four-day workweek. For example, I work in a public library where I do not believe that given the dire need for access to the public commons and the last frontiers of democracy that we provide, we will see a four day workweek anytime soon. I thought the same of service and sales, particularly retail outlets who trade in goods, competitive pricing, and minimum wage. When approaching this book then, there should be a disclaimer that it applies (for now at least) to the knowledge economy or corporate workers for whom "home office" would be the omnipotent Oz behind the curtain of retail operations. With that being said, it's still a great book. I know that I love public libraries and what I do so much that I would take a five-day workweek regardless. In fact, at my old job I worked part-time (21.5 hours/week) for the same amount of money I make working full-time (35 hours/week) at my present job, with a few less benefits too. I just love libraries and had the chance at a permanent full-time position with a chance to develop my skills so I took it (and it was a bit closer to home). Four-day work weeks are not necessarily the be-all-end-all so it may help to keep a balanced perspective while reading, because the data is very compelling if viewed independent of the alternatives. There are indeed still additional ways of working that bring the spirit of the four-day work week into their conceptualizations of modern work as the means of production shift with greater AI integration.
I considered the services that the upper middle class workers the writers are referring to with that four day work week would require, and that the authors refer to as case studies. Those services and abilities to run errands are not existing in a nebulous somewhere else- they are being done by people who likely won't have access to a four-day work week. I would be interested to read an extended volume of the book, or perhaps another one about how the authors would apply these principles to the restaurant and service industries. And most importantly, how they would recommend the application of policies both internal to companies, and to governments to regulate living wage pay. The principles they write about seem contingent on the application of UBI (Universal Basic Income), and perhaps that service industries would be a chosen profession for some. However, that is one hell of a contingency to such an otherwise really well laid out argument in their book. It's part of why I kept reading, because I do think the ideas O'Connor and Lindzen present stood the chance to gain traction across industries if presented in a way that protected workers. For example, if a four-day work week is presented as a cost-cutting and productivity increasing imperative, how will corporations with a track record of maximizing profits at the cost of protecting workers and providing livable wages balance their four-day books? Will policies be introduced that essentially turn service industries into gig work, where employers limit a work week to four days for service staff, then cap that by salarying them so they cannot work for overtime (if the idea of overtime isn't dispensed with entirely), and use other policy levers to maximize profits while reducing costs on the wrong things. Finding cheaper means of production are ideal but time and time again, international and national corporations turn to labour as their cost-cutting measure because it represents one of the most significant costs that immediately responds to policies to make a change in a balance sheet when "times are tough". In Canada where I'm writing from (Southern Ontario, as with the authors), we have a strong(ish) union presence (just ask our premier Doug Ford who learned in the last provincial election where he came the closest to triggering a province-wide general strike for all CUPE members, and other industries than anyone has accomplished in 50 years or so). Unions are a bit of a scary word for corporations and organizations but absent of government regulations, or trust in the government to provide the conditions for reasonable work where the cost of living does not disappear people, sometimes they're all people have to turn to lest they be crushed under the weight of poverty wages. I wonder how the four day work week would become an argument of a benefit to dissolve unions (or at least attempts to try and chip away at faith in union leaders where a four-day workweek could become a bargaining chip at contract negotiation time as a way to remove a key benefit the employer no longer wants to pay for). Furthermore, I just plainly wonder how it would affect these labour relations period. For example, if a four-day work week was introduced in tandem with universal basic income, would employers feel compelled to offer cost-of-living competitive wages anymore? The only people who wouldn't be covered by those kinds of policies are immigrants, and migrant workers who lack permanent residence and subsequent protections, so really, it would create a race-based underclass of impoverished workers whose employers don't have a good reason to pay more than minimum wage? How do the authors see it being implemented otherwise? These implications are not something the authors talk about. When considering the Pangea-splitting effect of a four day work week on the status quo though, it's an important one. It isn't just talking about changing the way we work, but it also stands to change the definition of what work matters more than other kinds of work. It would be interesting to see a book from a union and working-class perspective, of the interstitial policies required to make something like this work for everyone, not just full-time, expensively educated, upper middle class knowledge workers.
The book was very good. Any book that challenges me to think at such depth is something I cherish. I found myself wondering about another point of their argument though, which indicated a "four day work week or bust" mentality. The four day work week shouldn't be implemented as the catch-all problem solver for productivity, nor should it be considered in isolation of greater shifts in DEI policy. Though it seems like that was a possible view the authors took. I don't know for sure what their perspective is, but there was one part of the book that seemed to use the four day work week as a declarative benefit for male employees, which quietly presented it as the solution to the problem of sexism and misogynistic work bias instead of addressing the bias in particular. The authors write of work life balance, and then said that, "If you believe your employer, manager, or boss may be persuaded by some of the social benefits of a four-day workweek, share with them how, in the North American pilot, male employees spent 27 percent more time looking after their children, and 60 percent of participants said they were better able to combine their jobs with caring responsibilities. Though it's still early, the data suggests that the four-day workweek could be a massive step forward for workplace gender equality by encouraging men to chip in more at home and by leveling the playing field for women at work" (p.156). That's not how I want to advocate for gender equality at work. Maybe I'm too "woke" and a "snowflake" but I'd rather be awake in a snowstorm than let that kind of sexism buttress "workplace gender equality".
Allow me to explain. First, believing that gender workplace equality's lowest common denominator is men chipping in at home, and women having more time to do caretaking duties, and that this is written in the last chapter as if to suggest a discursive (and dangerously casual) air of "hey, if all this research doesn't convince your bosses, remind them that it's great for men, and because we haven't figured out how to prioritize women on their own merit, it's great for them because it's great for us!" is kind of ick. It implicitly states that men's feelings about their work are the most important thing to consider when implementing or proposing a substantial policy change at work. It also makes me wonder about the fundamentals of how they conducted their research and whether it was built with implicit bias in it that would help to generate such a conclusion. It seems a very misogynist way of encouraging a four-day workweek. I don't know how a four-day workweek is meant to level the playing field for women at work when it doesn't remove barriers aside from men who are upset that they have to care about the families they created, and relationships they've chosen to be in as equitably contributing partners. I'm not debating that a four-day workweek would be great for some people. But why not just address the sexism that prioritizes men's work and their presence at work as the mountain-moving imperative? Why not address the problem at its root instead of suggesting a significant change to the way a company works that replicates the problem under another guise? Because it will. A four-day workweek solves a productivity problem, not a gender equality problem. It wasn't designed to, so it will inevitably fail if that's the reason a company implements it. Why not stop relegating ideas being beneficial on the basis of caretaking work outside of work being more available in the same breaths as associating it with women exclusively (making it so that the two things are still one in the same in the public imaginary of women's roles)? It does not disrupt the gender roles that cause sexism and uneven playing fields to be a problem in the first place. Why not address the implicit bias that suggests there is a difference in the importance between men and women's work? Why are we tiptoeing around misogyny and sexism at work instead of deploying the four-day workweek as a way to disrupt it? Is it even possible, or does it just represent a benefit to profits more than personnel? Why use the painful experience of sexism and misogyny, reducing it to a selling point for an idea without actually demonstrating a salient way that it will get to the ideological root of the problem, rather than applying a band-aid solution? What about encouraging meaningful training that reminds men that the world was literally designed for their comfort vis-a-vis patriarchy, and stop applauding men for bare minimum contributions to the household that only uphold sexist standards while simultaneously claiming to break those barriers? Isn't that gaslighting women in the process because it looks like an effort is being made, but it's so little as to be performative rather than moving the needle on relevant issues? How can readers be sure that the authors researched that as part of the burnout in the women whose experiences they used as case studies, manipulating both their gender and intersections to the ends their argument is making? In the end, is the four-day workweek the best solution for gender equality and if it isn't, should it be mentioned as such, making it a lowest-common denominator that organizations can cling to as justification for it, whose executives are (statistically) mostly men that stand to benefit most from it? These are not insignificant questions I'm left with; I realize that the authors are working with available data that shows the comment was probably made in decent faith and perhaps a lack of awareness. It might be an idea to omit that paragraph completely from future runs of this book because it's a small paragraph that isn't necessary to the book. But it did make me question the saliency of their entire argument because it reveals that it hasn't totally been considered from the perspective of what would be of benefit to everyone. O'Connor's wife, as the book states, is the CEO of the women's branch of the Work Time Revolution company of which he co-founded, which shows that there are reasons to believe this sexism I'm questioning isn't central to their argument, but even women's organizations can be harmful to women. This truly is why I decided to only give this book 2 stars. If you can get past that part of book (it's at the end of it), it's otherwise okay and had me considering a range of ways to conceive of my own job and those who come to public libraries looking for ways to do theirs better or differently.