What do you think?
Rate this book


344 pages, Hardcover
First published April 1, 2014
If the past is to be called upon to legitimize the present, as it so frequently is, then the veracity of such a past has to be continuously vetted.
I am always surprised at the popular assumption that historical writing requires no training. The world and his wife can write history, and can take umbrage if criticized by historians for writing junk. It is ironic that the historian today can be confronted by non-historians insisting on their version of the past being correct and accusing the historian of prejudice!
The intention of Hindutva history is to support the vision of its founding fathers—Savarkar and Golwalkar—and to attribute the beginnings of Indian history to what they called the indigenous Aryans. This contradicts the existing archaeological and linguistic evidence of the Indo-Aryan speakers. This theory ignores all the other societies, some of which were speaking Dravidian and Munda, of which languages there are traces in Vedic Sanskrit. It refrains from defining what is an Aryan because obviously any definition would lead to many complications given the range of exceptions that would arise. It ignores the argument, now generally agreed to, that the concept of Aryan is not an exclusive, racial identity, but refers primarily to the language, Indo-Aryan and to the culture of a group recognizable by linguistic and ritual features, reflecting a merging of varied groups including migrants from the Indo-Iranian borderlands and the Oxus plain; and that the meaning and evolution of the term changed with its historical usage.
The past is not static. We believe that because we have created it we can also give it shape. The shape we give it is generally in response to our current requirements one of which is the need for legitimacy from the past. And it then becomes contested.
Syndicated Hinduism draws largely on Brahmanical texts, the Vedas, the epics, the Gita and accepts some aspects of the Dharmashastras, and attempts to present a religion appropriate for modern living, although claiming at the same time that it encapsulates ancient tradition. This contradiction ends up inevitably as a garbled form of what is said to be Brahmanism with motley ‘values’ drawn from other sources, such as bringing in elements of individual moksha, liberation, from the Bhakti tradition, and of course Puranic mythology and rituals. Its contradictions are many. The call to unite under Hinduism as a political identity can be anachronistic.
Hindutva claims to represent indigenous Indian thought opposed to western interpretations of Indian religion, traditions and culture. The claim is that colonial scholarship used its understanding of Indian culture for political purposes to justify colonialism. Yet Hindutva is doing precisely the same by reformulating Hinduism along the lines suggested by colonial interpretations in order to facilitate its use in political mobilization. It uses colonial constructions of the Indian past such as the theories of James Mill and Max Mueller to further its programme of political control. The exploitation of history becomes a significant dimension of its attempt to appropriate the understanding of the past.
When secular historians attempt an analysis of a religious text with a dispassionate inquiry as is required of historians, they are abused, and accused of hurting the sentiments of those that believe the text to be sacred. It should be understood that the world of the historian working on religious texts and that of the believer for whom the texts are sacred, are two distinctly different worlds and should not be confused. The latter cannot deny space to the former. All texts have to undergo such inquiries in the course of their being used as historical evidence. On the one hand the historicity of the religion is reiterated and on the other the historical analyses of the foundational texts are objected to. This has brought into focus the entire plethora of hurt sentiments by a variety of political groups claiming to be defenders of the various religions.
Dalits and women by claiming their rights as citizens are seen as those who are over turning the old order in which they were subordinate beings, therefore they become the targets of contemporary violence. This becomes a way of asserting power among those for whom social violence is a way of expressing frustration.
I have touched on two kinds of pasts. One is the past that has passed into the historical landscape and which has been drawn upon in highly selective ways, to validate the present. The other is the recent past, the almost-present, which has done the selecting from the earlier past and positioned it in the present. Both processes have been attempts at forging new identities associated with contemporary times.