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Allende's Chile: An Inside View
Recounts the collaboration of United States corporations and government agencies with reactionary Chilean military, political, and business forces to overthrow the Popular Unity government
288 pages, Paperback
Published June 16, 1977
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
November 21, 2013
Allende's Chile answers the many questions I've had about the "First 9/11" I've learned about. Opening with the author's experiences during the coup -including his necessary escape from the country- we get a clear perspective on the events leading up to it. Some of the chapters cover economic concerns, such as credit, loans, and inflation. These didn't bore me nearly as much as I expected. They're simple enough to be understandable, and give much understanding of the stresses of handling a post-colonial Latin American state during democratic socialist revolution constantly bombarded by the very empires that got them into this societal mess. On the political side, the author covers the complexities of hypocrisy among the armed forces (such as how many of the leaders were "apolitical" until an opportune time to crush the revolution), the complicated matters of mobilizing the workers without being able to arm them, and the fractional issues among the parties within the Unidad Popular coalition.
The most important section, I believe, would be Bits of Background (chapter 2), which goes over the history of Chile. This chapter answered many of my questions, but there were a few unnecessarily graphic descriptions I had to skip regarding colonial violence and sexual violence. The most important thing I learned from this chapter is that the ruling classes were overwhelmingly made up of those directly descended from Spain, while the mestizo (mixed-race Spanish and American Indian) and American Indian populations were the majority of the lower classes. This has changed somewhat since then, but it gave me a very clear idea of post-colonial racist systems outside the United States.
The conclusion, also very important but more specific to the revolution, goes through some of the oft-repeated issues the author believes to have been potential solutions to the overall problem of Chilean society at the time. But, he maturely and rationally recognizes how even those suggestions would often have been difficult to implement without activating a treasonous response from the military and bourgeois ruling classes. For example, a major issue for ensuring successful revolution in Chile would have been to immediately arm the masses...but because of Chile's constitutional prevention of having armaments outside of military control, this would have been extremely difficult, likely illegal, and potentially end the UP government before it even starts. Boorstein concludes this thought, "Under the circumstances which held throughout the UP government's tenure, any serious attempt at arming the people would have immediately brought the armed forces into action against it." (p.238)
One suggestion Boorstein has in consequence of this fact, and which resonated best with this situation (and even today in the Cascadian regions), is the agitation of the armed forces. During Chile's socialist revolution, agitation of the armed forces "...came late and when circumstances were unfavourable; it was improvised and the resources behind it were minuscule." Boorstein suggests it might have been better to "have begun with Allende's inauguration, when the coupists in the military were disconcerted by the assassination of Schneider and the accession of the UP to the government. A well thought out plan, backed with appropriate resources, might have been put into effect." (p.244) Such action might have been able to counter the kind of coupist response as would likely have resulted from arming the people, and may have enabled the strength of some of the armed forces to the side of the UP, while making it easier to arm the people for the revolution. Before the arming of a revolutionary mass of people, though, there had to be created a culture and atmosphere of revolution and unity to the revolution.
Another important element missing in the revolution was consistent and overwhelming agitation of the masses against the reactionary forces looking to end the revolution. Instead, the reactionary forces organized strikes among the middle- and upper-class managers and owners, stoppages among production owned by reactionary forces, riots against those opposed, and protests against the UP government. Consequently, UP supporters would respond with similar actions, things would get out of hand and become violent, and the UP government would go on the defense and call for calm.
Allende's UP government had many struggles to work through, relying on the constitutionalism of the military leaders, on the economic and political power in controlling inflation and nationalizing vital industries such as copper, and the constant battles against all the many powerful forces working against it. Despite the many issues which came up through to the 1973 election, the UP actually increased its percentage support, and made it highly unlikely if not impossible for a legal removal of Allende and the UP from power. Unfortunately, this victory did not last long, with imperial and fascist forces engaging as they consistently have when preparing for a coup: "My wife and I were reminded of the explosions and fires which took place in Havana in the weeks preceding the Bay of Pigs invasion." (p.232) In reading this clear account of these events, knowing wholly how it will end, in some ways it feels even more bitter, knowing the petulance of imperial power prevailed in such a democratic revolution.
Allende's final speech:
"Trabajadores de mi Patria, tengo fe en Chile y su destino. Superarán otros hombres este momento gris y amargo en el que la traición pretende imponerse. Sigan ustedes sabiendo que, mucho más temprano que tarde, de nuevo se abrirán las grandes alamedas por donde pase el hombre libre, para construir una sociedad mejor.
¡Viva Chile! ¡Viva el pueblo! ¡Vivan los trabajadores!"
"Workers of my country, I have faith in Chile and its destiny. Other men will overcome this dark and bitter moment when treason seeks to prevail. Go forward knowing that, sooner rather than later, the great avenues will open again where free men will walk to build a better society.
Long live Chile! Long live the people! Long live the workers!"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=10RCHQ...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HC8Uir...
The most important section, I believe, would be Bits of Background (chapter 2), which goes over the history of Chile. This chapter answered many of my questions, but there were a few unnecessarily graphic descriptions I had to skip regarding colonial violence and sexual violence. The most important thing I learned from this chapter is that the ruling classes were overwhelmingly made up of those directly descended from Spain, while the mestizo (mixed-race Spanish and American Indian) and American Indian populations were the majority of the lower classes. This has changed somewhat since then, but it gave me a very clear idea of post-colonial racist systems outside the United States.
The conclusion, also very important but more specific to the revolution, goes through some of the oft-repeated issues the author believes to have been potential solutions to the overall problem of Chilean society at the time. But, he maturely and rationally recognizes how even those suggestions would often have been difficult to implement without activating a treasonous response from the military and bourgeois ruling classes. For example, a major issue for ensuring successful revolution in Chile would have been to immediately arm the masses...but because of Chile's constitutional prevention of having armaments outside of military control, this would have been extremely difficult, likely illegal, and potentially end the UP government before it even starts. Boorstein concludes this thought, "Under the circumstances which held throughout the UP government's tenure, any serious attempt at arming the people would have immediately brought the armed forces into action against it." (p.238)
One suggestion Boorstein has in consequence of this fact, and which resonated best with this situation (and even today in the Cascadian regions), is the agitation of the armed forces. During Chile's socialist revolution, agitation of the armed forces "...came late and when circumstances were unfavourable; it was improvised and the resources behind it were minuscule." Boorstein suggests it might have been better to "have begun with Allende's inauguration, when the coupists in the military were disconcerted by the assassination of Schneider and the accession of the UP to the government. A well thought out plan, backed with appropriate resources, might have been put into effect." (p.244) Such action might have been able to counter the kind of coupist response as would likely have resulted from arming the people, and may have enabled the strength of some of the armed forces to the side of the UP, while making it easier to arm the people for the revolution. Before the arming of a revolutionary mass of people, though, there had to be created a culture and atmosphere of revolution and unity to the revolution.
Another important element missing in the revolution was consistent and overwhelming agitation of the masses against the reactionary forces looking to end the revolution. Instead, the reactionary forces organized strikes among the middle- and upper-class managers and owners, stoppages among production owned by reactionary forces, riots against those opposed, and protests against the UP government. Consequently, UP supporters would respond with similar actions, things would get out of hand and become violent, and the UP government would go on the defense and call for calm.
Allende's UP government had many struggles to work through, relying on the constitutionalism of the military leaders, on the economic and political power in controlling inflation and nationalizing vital industries such as copper, and the constant battles against all the many powerful forces working against it. Despite the many issues which came up through to the 1973 election, the UP actually increased its percentage support, and made it highly unlikely if not impossible for a legal removal of Allende and the UP from power. Unfortunately, this victory did not last long, with imperial and fascist forces engaging as they consistently have when preparing for a coup: "My wife and I were reminded of the explosions and fires which took place in Havana in the weeks preceding the Bay of Pigs invasion." (p.232) In reading this clear account of these events, knowing wholly how it will end, in some ways it feels even more bitter, knowing the petulance of imperial power prevailed in such a democratic revolution.
Allende's final speech:
"Trabajadores de mi Patria, tengo fe en Chile y su destino. Superarán otros hombres este momento gris y amargo en el que la traición pretende imponerse. Sigan ustedes sabiendo que, mucho más temprano que tarde, de nuevo se abrirán las grandes alamedas por donde pase el hombre libre, para construir una sociedad mejor.
¡Viva Chile! ¡Viva el pueblo! ¡Vivan los trabajadores!"
"Workers of my country, I have faith in Chile and its destiny. Other men will overcome this dark and bitter moment when treason seeks to prevail. Go forward knowing that, sooner rather than later, the great avenues will open again where free men will walk to build a better society.
Long live Chile! Long live the people! Long live the workers!"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=10RCHQ...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HC8Uir...
January 22, 2019
A fascinating account of the heroic, but doomed, attempt of the Popular Unity movement to construct radical democratic socialism in Chile. Written in a fairly detached tone by the author, who was serving as a close economic advisor to the Chilean government at the time, it chronicles Allende's almost superhuman efforts at managing an extremely fractious coalition and undertaking wide-ranging reforms while being sabotaged by the erstwhile imperial powers, powerful oligopolies and his own military.
March 30, 2018
Edward Boorstein analyzes the three years of the Allende presidency and the "Chilean road to socialism" with crystal-clear clarity. This is a valuable insider account, from the perspective of an economist who worked as an adviser inside the administration and was able to use that perch inside to present the various viewpoints and debates that emerged with the Popular Unity coalition.
He is also able to present learned discussions of what the Allende government's options were at various crisis points, as the capitalist of Chile and the U.S. government did all they could to cause economic crisis. Allende's Chile was invaluable in my own study of this period and I strongly recommend it to anyone who wants an understanding of an experiment in creating a better world that ended in tragedy.
He is also able to present learned discussions of what the Allende government's options were at various crisis points, as the capitalist of Chile and the U.S. government did all they could to cause economic crisis. Allende's Chile was invaluable in my own study of this period and I strongly recommend it to anyone who wants an understanding of an experiment in creating a better world that ended in tragedy.
September 29, 2020
Considering the writer's background, I was hoping that Allende's Chile would be sort of the end-all be-all for books on Pinochet, Chile and the coup. After finishing, I'd say that it's not even close. But the story is still worth looking at.
What this book truly is, is just what it says: an inside view. There are significant passages on America's involvement, Pinochet and Chilean society at the time, but Boorstein really concentrates on political and economic conditions five to ten years prior to the coup under the the Allende government.
Some of the economic details get excruciatingly boring, but some of the historical background and personal experiences are what make Allende's Chile worthwhile.
For a more detailed look at American involvement, I'd look to someone like Christopher Hitchens and his book on Henry Kissnger.
What this book truly is, is just what it says: an inside view. There are significant passages on America's involvement, Pinochet and Chilean society at the time, but Boorstein really concentrates on political and economic conditions five to ten years prior to the coup under the the Allende government.
Some of the economic details get excruciatingly boring, but some of the historical background and personal experiences are what make Allende's Chile worthwhile.
For a more detailed look at American involvement, I'd look to someone like Christopher Hitchens and his book on Henry Kissnger.
June 24, 2024
great read, the point is not telling the crazy story of the 70s chile coup but meditating on how revolutionary movements can be effective. How winning power electorally through neoliberal institutions is not the end all be all, but can be helpful for a movement if the power afforded by an electoral win is used to continue to lift class consciousness etc
April 1, 2019
Rather dry and boring.
October 26, 2025
10/10. I think I'm a lot more easily impressed by nonfiction than I am by fiction. I learned a ton from this book though, and appreciated the author's frank, straightforward writing. He was not afraid to point out errors in Allende's decision making, but at the same time acknowledged that everything is clearer in hindsight, and pointing out mistakes is much easier than proposing better solutions.
June 4, 2015
An excellent and detailed overview of the Popular Unity government and the lead-up to the 1973 military coup in Chile, written by somebody who participated in the events as an assistant to Allende's economic advisor and who barely escaped when the fascists took over.
The major problems faced by the UP government are given in-depth treatment in the book alongside analyses of the political and economic situations in the years and months leading up to the coup, with chapters analyzing Chile's history and class makeup, important issues such as land reform, and the key involvement of U.S. business interests and the CIA in planning and financing Pinochet's coup.
Boorstein also gives some insightful critical analysis regarding where the UP went wrong and what could have been done differently. Overall the book is a detailed treatment of a topic that deserves an in-depth and detailed treatment to counter whatever misinformation and CIA propaganda might still be floating around in history books.
The major problems faced by the UP government are given in-depth treatment in the book alongside analyses of the political and economic situations in the years and months leading up to the coup, with chapters analyzing Chile's history and class makeup, important issues such as land reform, and the key involvement of U.S. business interests and the CIA in planning and financing Pinochet's coup.
Boorstein also gives some insightful critical analysis regarding where the UP went wrong and what could have been done differently. Overall the book is a detailed treatment of a topic that deserves an in-depth and detailed treatment to counter whatever misinformation and CIA propaganda might still be floating around in history books.
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews