The first thorough account of a formative and little understood chapter in Chinese history
Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian chronicle how an impoverished and terrorized China experienced radical political changes in the long 1970s and how ordinary people broke free from the beliefs that had shaped their lives during Mao’s Cultural Revolution. These changes, and the unprecedented and sustained economic growth that followed, transformed China and the world.
In this rigorous account, Westad and Chen construct a panorama of catastrophe and progress in China. They chronicle China’s gradual opening to the world—the interplay of power in an era of aged and ailing leadership, the people’s rebellion against the earlier government system, and the roles of unlikely overseas Chinese capitalists, American engineers, Japanese professors, and German designers. This is a story of revolutionary change that neither foreigners nor the Chinese themselves could have predicted.
Odd Arne Westad, FBA, is a Norwegian historian specializing in the Cold War and contemporary East Asian history. He is currently the ST Lee Professor of US-Asia Relations at Harvard University, teaching in the John F. Kennedy School of Government.
This is a helpful overview of China’s transition from Maoism to Dengism but I also came away feeling like there wasn’t much new in its pages.
There were interesting tidbits here and there (from examples to anecdotes) but the overall argument seemed more of a synthesis for broader consumption than a fundamental revision of the established narrative.
I’m admittedly not a China scholar so it very well may be the case that the book is shadow boxing with a very specific historiographical interpretation that I’m totally missing, but it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that this is a good but not especially novel book on China’s transition.
The actual economic transformation itself is largely left to the background, with exceptions made towards the tail end, while the main focus is high politics and diplomacy. The book’s stated argument of explaining how, contrary to traditional narratives, we should see the transformation of China first and foremost as a bottom up process where leadership merely freed productive forces via reform rather than top down reforms, seems like it would be better served with a social history rather than one focused on high politics which ironically reinforce the centrality of those actors, whatever the intent of the authors.
“The Great Transformation: China’s Road from Revolution to Reform” by Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian offers a compelling reappraisal of China’s turbulent shift from Maoist ideology to market-oriented reform. Focusing on the “long 1970s” (1968–1984), the authors challenge top-down narratives of China’s modernization, arguing instead that grassroots initiatives and historical contingencies played pivotal roles in reshaping the nation. Drawing from Chinese archives, international records, and oral histories, the book weaves a nuanced tapestry of political intrigue, economic experimentation, and social change. Westad and Chen emphasize how ordinary citizens—farmers, entrepreneurs, and local officials—drove early economic reforms. For instance, agricultural regions secretly experimented with incentive-based production models in the 1970s, laying groundwork for Deng Xiaoping’s later policies. Case studies of companies like Haier and Vanke illustrate how private enterprise emerged organically despite state dominance. The book dissects Mao’s final years, revealing how factionalism and paranoia destabilized the CCP. Post-Mao power struggles between Hua Guofeng and Deng Xiaoping are portrayed not as ideological clashes but as pragmatic debates over reform speed and scope. Deng’s political acumen shines through, though the authors note his prioritization of party legitimacy over systemic political change. China’s reopening to the world is framed as a survival strategy amid Cold War pressures. Nixon’s 1972 visit and collaborations with foreign engineers and capitalists are shown to catalyze technological and economic modernization. The authors’ integration of international archives with Chinese sources provides fresh perspectives, particularly on Hua Guofeng’s underappreciated reforms. However, the focus on political elites and economic actors leaves gaps in representing marginalized voices, such as women and rural migrants. While specialists may find fewer groundbreaking revelations, “The Great Transformation” excels as a synthesis of China’s complex metamorphosis. Its emphasis on contingency—how China’s path hinged on unpredictable human choices—offers a vital corrective to deterministic narratives. For readers seeking to understand the roots of modern China’s authoritarian capitalism, this book is an essential, richly detailed guide.
In THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION, Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian – both historians of the Cold War and modern Chinese events – argue China’s chaotic journey from Maoist socialism of the 1960s to incipient capitalism of the 1980s was driven by bottom-up activism that produced better material conditions for millions of ordinary Chinese. Using an exhaustive array of archival sources, including published and unpublished documentary collections, chronological records, memoirs and oral histories, newspapers, and other Chinese and Western texts, the authors detail China’s transformation from the factional bloodshed and social turbulence under Mao Zedong, the succession struggles after his death, and the political genius of Deng Xiaoping which shepherded China into the modern age. Focusing mainly on salutary aspects of its social, economic, and intellectual progression (and neglecting some of the more infamous events such as the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre), Westad and Jian describe a contemporary China at a pivotal juncture: increasingly prosperous from post-Mao economic reforms, but also at risk of repression at home and discord abroad that risks comprising those hard-earned improvements over the last several decades.
Mao Zedong died in the early hours of Sept. 9, 1976. He had led the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for more than four decades and served as head of state since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China on Oct. 1, 1949; he was the only leader a significant portion of China’s population had ever known. Heralded as “the people’s great savior” and “the reddest reddest red sun in our heart,” Mao occupied a godlike status that had been fostered for years through propaganda and political campaigns. His death, at the age of 82, was no surprise to Mao’s inner circle, who had witnessed his long physical and mental decline, but left a void at the center of China’s government. Replacing the legendary founder of the country would be a daunting task.
As Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian detail in “The Great Transformation: China’s Road From Revolution to Reform,” Mao’s passing posed even greater difficulty because it followed the decade of political upheaval, party infighting and social conflict known as the Cultural Revolution. Launched by Mao in 1966 to purge the CCP of those whom he considered revisionists, the Cultural Revolution also furthered Mao’s desire for “the complete transformation of all modes of thinking among China’s youth.” Students organized into bands of Red Guards and turned against their teachers, destroyed works of art and culture, and terrorized anyone with interests they considered old or feudal. Although Mao brought an end to the most violent period of the Cultural Revolution by 1968, chaos lingered and society remained in disarray into the 1970s.
Messrs. Westad and Chen focus on what they term “the long 1970s” in China, which extends from approximately 1968 to 1984. The first part of their book covers Mao’s final decline, as younger cadres began jockeying for position, though they had to do so with caution. “Aspire to too much power,” the authors write, “and Mao would turn against you, even from his sickbed, sometimes with fatal results.” The second half of the narrative details the power politics that followed Mao’s death, as China faced perhaps its greatest pivot point of the 20th century. Would the country continue to follow the pattern that Mao had established, of continuous revolution and politics above all? Or would the next generation of CCP leaders seek a balance, one that emphasized the importance of politics but also pursued economic growth and improved standards of living for China’s people?
An exceptional rendering of the hinge point of modern Chinese history by two of the finest historians in the business today. I definitely buy Westad and Chen's framing of the "Long 1970s" and think it is a powerful framework that supports their main arguments.
The early chapters on the Cultural Revolution were some of the best I have read on a topic that can get quite tricky for me, and I especially admire how concise they were. I think it was immensely helpful that they mainly stuck to the high-level politics.
I knew the content on the post-Mao era much better, and these were also exceptional. I especially enjoyed the chapter on the Hua Guofeng/PLA-led coup in 1976 and Ch.9 on Deng's foreign policy.
I would definitely recommend this if one is interested in Communist China in any fashion.
An engaging historical narrative of Chinese politics in the long 1970s. The focus is on elite power struggles and how the backlash to the cultural revolution led to Deng Xiaoping's leadership and the transition to market reforms.
Very solid introductory history of the Chinese Communist Party from the Great Leap Forward to the Deng reform era. It's a straight-forward and pretty even-handed recounting of Mao's and Deng's actions. I haven't read much modern China history, so it was a good broad intro for me. Provides good historical and cultural context for some of the current CCP's actions.
4-4.2/5? a sweeping story and a fascinating page-turner. Very good storytelling.
The historiography, I believe, is much more subtle and incremental, though it certainly could be highlighted more and better framed in the narrative (Doing rather than telling?).
Many of the events were already well-trodden, so it could be unsurprising at times—— the key, perhaps, is to think in terms of dialogue ( or provocatively dialectics) 🤔🤔🤔 haha
Most people in the Global North have little exposure to heterodox perspectives on China and even less ability to critically engage with the conventional perspectives they are exposed to. The result is wholesale adoption of a highly ideological worldview aligned with Western liberal capitalism against a China understood as authoritarian and brainwashed, with little to no analysis of how Chinese society and the economy operate. As China pulls ahead to the dismay and puzzlement of many in the Global North, this worldview completely detached from material analysis is exposed for what it is. Though this book won’t challenge the political basis of Western thinking on China, it provides a detailed history of the pivotal period that shaped this country into what it is today.
Westad and Jian’s begin their book The Great Transformation with the two defining policies of the late Maoist era: The Great Leap Forward, aiming to increase agricultural and industrial output at unprecedented rates, and The Cultural Revolution, aiming to align China’s entire political apparatus with Mao’s vision. The former failed to achieve its stated aims and contributed to the deaths of millions by famine, and the latter caused rifts within the state and society that shaped the country for decades to come. It was in this context and with Mao’s death that the struggle for power played out between two overall factions.
One, centred around the so-called Gang of Four, were beneficiaries of the Cultural Revolution and viewed a rigorous anti-capitalist politics as the basis for China’s future. The other, represented in the final instance by Deng Xiaoping, emphasized economic development and were open to a much wider range of economic measures to achieve this, including markets and capital imports. The balance of power was dictated by the complex political landscape after years of upheaval, the allegiances of key military generals and popular support by the wider Chinese population: it ultimately shifted in favour of Deng Xiaoping and the reformist tendency.
With the power struggle settled, China was set on the path to today. On the political front, a denunciation of the Cultural Revolution and a rapprochement with the capitalist world, an unlikely partnership driven by worries of a seemingly inevitable war with the Soviet Union. On the economic front, the introduction of domestic markets to incentivize production and the importation of foreign technology. Growth rates increased and remain high to this day, developing a country the size of a continent from one of the poorest in the world to perhaps the most advanced.
This book is great as a history. I haven’t read many history books as clear and as engaging as this, providing detailed accounts of key events without losing sight of the bigger picture and giving a vivid sense of the time. Unfortunately, it provides little to no political analysis beyond the narrow scope of political manoeuvrings and intrigue. It’s written with a clear liberal bias that takes the superiority of a political economy governed by free markets and representative electoral democracy as a given, without interrogating how China developmental success with an entirely different model undermines exactly that assumption. Core tenets of China’s model that differentiate it from most other countries, namely the importance of national sovereignty and the strict limitations on the political power of capital, are barely mentioned in this book.
I’d still recommend this book because it describes an important period in history well. For a critical analysis that helps understand the wider structural forces at play look elsewhere, but that should be obvious for any Financial Times Best Book of the Year.
This is an odd academic history book. Although the authors' claim the book is about how China went from Maoist revolution to economic reform, and claim the book shows that most of the economic changes emerged from the ground up, the actual narrative is an almost thesis-less recounting of every inter-CCP struggle from 1966 to 1984. Also despite the statement that this book is mainly about China opening up to the world after Mao, Mao doesn't die until halfway through the book, so almost half deals with the well-trodden ground of the Cultural Revolution.
All of that said, the book, even if it is mainly a winding narrative without a strong framing, is one of the better straight recountings of the last years of Mao's reign and the beginning of the post-Mao period. On the period of the Cultural Revolution, the authors' somehow convey the pain of the interiminable and completely nonsensical struggles and switches in "the mass line" that Mao ginned up. The ability of the government to turn the left-wing general Lin Biao, who Mao himself had elevated to his successor in 1969, into the ultimate right-wing villian as part of the "Criticize Lin Biao, criticize Confucious" campaign after Biao's tragic death in 1971 demonstrates how completely the country was living in a fantasy world. Even to many students at the time, the sudden switch was perceived as their first hint that something was seriously wrong with the system.
The fact that the amiable dunce Hua Guofeng, of Mao's home Hunan province, was chosen as Mao's successor also showed to everyone that Mao was the only real power in the country and that talent or ability didn't matter. Yet, just weeks after Mao died, Hua and Marshal Ye Jianying managed to arrest the Gang of Four led by Qing Jiang, Mao's former wife, and much of the country celebrated before even hearing about whether that was the correct "line" to take. It was clear even to Mao's chosen successors that the last 10 years had been a complete waste and that things needed to change drastically. Deng Xiaopeng managed to push Hua out, largely because Hua, still abided by the "two whatevers" supporting whatever Mao thought or said, and by 1981 at the "Sixth Plenum of the Congress, they declared that the entire Cultural Revolution had been a mistake and that Mao himself bore responsibility. Deng himsef, as an old solider, proved most tactically adept, and his ability to tack made him the most fervent believer in economic change, especially after his series of trips abroad, especially to Japan (which he most wanted to learn from and thought most important to China's modernization), Southeast Asia (where he broke with the communist guerillas, lambasted Vietname and the USSR and even praised ASEAN), and the US in 1978 and 1979. At the 12th Party Congress in 1982, after new leaders such as Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang and Wan Li and Xi Zhongxun (father of the current general secretary) rose to the Politburo, the CCP declared the need for complete economic reform and at the Third Plenum in 1984 (there are a lot of Congresses and Plenums and Work Groups in this book) they decisively broke from old socialist habits and declared the need to allow people to keep gains from trade and entreprenuership.
I do recommend this book for those curious about the last years of Mao's reign and the beginnings of the new China, but don't expect any grand thesis or revelations.
“This book is an attempt to understand the way in which politics and society combined with markets and capital to produce China’s great transformation.”
3 stars. For a pretty sizeable subset of readers, this will be an informative, concise account of PRC history from the 60s to the mid-80s. Both Westad and Chen are excellent scholars of the Cold War, and Chen’s biography of Zhou Enlai in particular is magistral. They certainly know their stuff. So why only three stars? My main issues are that there’s nothing new here, and the analysis isn’t particularly insightful or thought-provoking. Frankly, I’m not quite sure I understand why anyone thought this book was necessary. Moreover, the amount of seemingly obligatory moralizing peppered throughout was - for me - uninteresting and prompted a few eye-rolls.
More’s the pity, because there were so many interesting directions this could have gone, and the authors highlighted some really interesting points in their narrative. To take two examples: highlighting how economic reforms began in the early 70s - when Mao was still alive - and contextualizing them in Cold War calculations was thought-provoking. It really made me want to read Jason Kelley’s “Market Maoists” - whom the authors cite here. Next, characterizing Hua Guofeng’s purge of the Gang of Four as a “coup” and then focusing on his early successes and commitment to reform was also very interesting. But for both episodes, the authors don’t really manage to lean into these points, tease out their significance and connect them to their project of explaining the “great transformation”.
To zoom out a little bit, considering what an extended retelling they provide of the Cultural Revolution, they don’t really meditate on the long tail this event has had on China beyond the literal efforts to rehabilitate purged cadres. Did it impact the reform project in the 70s? Did it impact the CCP leadership’s decisions in the run-up to June 4th 1989 in Tiananmen? (Yes and yes). How might this event have set the PRC leadership onto a different course from their Soviet and Vietnamese counterparts? The authors don’t really attempt to get into any of this. Which is a shame, because comparing and contrasting China’s “great transformation” with those that occurred in both Asia and the Soviet Union would have been quite illuminating I think. Instead, we’re left with a rehashing of a well-known narrative which has been thoroughly covered multiple times elsewhere and some vague claims about how “things could have been different.” But how!? How could they have been different? Considering this refrain pops up a number of times in the book, I would have appreciated it if the authors had been brave enough to actually spell out what they think that counterfactual looks like.
So all and all, this book might be perfect for some readers, but for me it was a bit of a disappointment, which is a shame because I’m a fan of the authors’ other work.
This book by Westad and Jian is a comprehensive study of Chinese history and politics of the 20th and current centuries. It is highly critical of much of the leadership of Mao Zhedong, particularly the Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s and the Cultural Revolution that followed--1966-1976. Although Mao is praised for his military accomplishments, insights and vision, the two authors disagreed with most of what went on during the Cultural Revolution. The Communist Party was great at creating slogans and weak on bringing about policies. The Gang of Four, which included Mao's wife and three men are depicted as avid revolutionaries and advocates of the purges and violence during the 60s-70s. The more moderates, Deng Xiaoping and Hua Guofeng, took over the helm of the party post Mao's death in 1976. Deng managed to oust Hua and became leader of PRC until of the late 1980s. This work is a behind the scenes look at what took place during the time of transformation from a hardline Communist nation to a mixed economy. Westad and Jian end up focusing on the current leader, Xi Jinping, who they don't approve of. They think he's too nationalistic and old school.
Really great introduction to recent Chinese history which I would recommend to anyone interested in modern China. A very accessible chronicle of the Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution, Deng's rise to power and his economic reforms - I wish I had read this before some of the other books on China I've read recently since it provides a ton of context.
Beyond the history, the book aims to make an argument that much of the economic transformation began at the grassroots level and was driven "from below." It provides a number of very interesting anecdotes about how some of the great Chinese firms of today started as local businesses pushing boundaries of regulation at the time, though I do feel that this argument ended up overshadowed by the play-by-play of diplomacy and political power struggle.
China's economic growth over the past 50 years is one of the greatest achievements in human history, and it would be great to understand how it happened. Unfortunately this book does not even try to help you do this.
The book is basically just gives a narrative history about the time of the Cultural Revolution and immediately after. It's well-written at a sentence-level, and pleasant to listen to as an audiobook. But does not give a conceptual framework to understand those facts.
An excellent account of how China to today got be the China of today. The authors tap many Chinese sources to tell the story of "the long 1970s" and how China emerged from the Cultural Revolution and under Deng Xiaoping began the great economic transformation. You do not have to be a China expert to understand and enjoy this book.
The book at times jumps between timelines, while making no allusion to the fact that this timeframe was discussed previously. Overall an interesting, a tinge of high gossip backed by solid references.
花了3天时间,从头读到尾,一页不拉读完。除了80年代的部分不算特别满意,文安立(Odd Arne Westad)和陈兼老师这本书堪称佳作,从另一个角度审视了中国「漫长的70年代」。补充了陈老师今年《周恩来传》里没有涉及的许多部分。中国从革命到改革的转折不单单是国内史,也是国际历史重要的部分(第4、9章,很受启发。比方不考虑中苏关系,就不可能有当时的中美关系)书里有许多令人动容和可怖的故事,尤其是1-4章。75-79年的部分着墨非常多,几乎是一年占据一个章节,也帮我找到大量材料。有机会读一下的不要错过。
Very interesting look at an undercovered period of Chinese history from the culture revolution to the economic miracle. Very good insights on leadership dynamics during this period.
SO MUCH DETAIL - gracious. This is much more of an academic book than a layperson read, which isn’t bad, but it’s hard to retain much given the level of specificity applied across both governance and politics. Still, that’s also the book’s strength, so no knocks there, just not a thing I probably needed for my purposes at this depth when I read it. But now if I ever need to dig-in, I know where to go, so if that sounds good, check it out.