I know I am at risk of becoming cliche to say this is mandatory reading but I do feel very American should. People who think that people who believe our justice system can improve are just cop haters are clearly racist, because you are deliberately and willfully denying the truth, that the "harmless errors" the justice system makes negatively impacts more black Americans than white. We are not cop haters, we just want the actual criminal to go to prison.
Favorite passages: any text in brackets are mine
"Some people think that an error rate of one percent is acceptable for the death penalty," notes Kevin Doyle, the capital defender for the state of New York. "But if you went to the FAA and asked them to approve an airplane, and you said, oh, by the way, on every one hundredth landing, it causes or almost causes fatalities, people would say you were nuts."
On the evening of December 19, 1974, a short documentary film was shown on the local NBC newscast in New York. In it, a you7ng woman walks in a hallway. A man lurks in a doorway, wearing a hat, leather jacket, and sneakers. The man bursts from the doorway, grabs the woman's handbag, and runs straight toward the camera, full-faced. The entire incident lasts twelve seconds.
After the film was shown, the show presented a lineup of suspects. The viewers were provided with a phone number and asked to choose the culprit from among those six, or to say that he wasn't in the lineup. 'We were swamped with calls,' Robert Buckhout, a professor at Brooklyn College who organized the experiment, would later write. They unplugged the phone after receiving 2,145 calls.
The 'thief' was seated in lineup position Number 2. He received a grand total of 302 votes from the callers, or 14.1 percent of the 2,145. 'The results were the same as if the witnesses were merely guessing, since on the basis of chance (1 out of 7, including No 2,' Buckhout wrote in an article with the charming headline NEARLY 2,000 WITNESSES CAN BE WRONG.
Not surprisingly, those involved in such demonstrations often find themselves feeling deflated, and slightly put out, upon learning that they might as well have picked the culprit by throwing darts, blindfolded. When Buckhout used the same purse-snatching documentary with panels of lawyers and judges, he reported similar inaccuracy. But the members of the bar were peeved. THEY COMPLAINED THAT THE SUSPECTS IN THE LINEUP WERE NOT WEARING THE SAME CLOTHES AS THE THIEF IN THE FILM! [Capitalization is mine]
Elizabeth Loftus, illustrated the phenomenon of 'unconscious transference,' in which the mind drafts a vaguely familiar face to play a role that could not otherwise be cast.
Loftus described a case from real life in which a railroad ticket agent was held up at gunpoint. The agent was brought to the police station, where he viewed a lineup of suspects. He picked a sailor from a local naval base as the robber.
But when the police investigated the sailor, he turned out to have a solid alibi and was freed. How did the mistake happen? The ticket agent said the sailor's face looked familiar--and he was right. Because the sailor was based near the railroad station, he had bought train tickets from the very same agent three times before the robbery. But on the day of the robbery, the sailor was at sea. To the psychologists, the sailor was an obvious victim of the unconscious transference phenomenon.
[Two DNA tests excluded Peter Snyder, a man in prison for rape. But in the state of Virginia where he was convicted] "The law specifically said that a motion based on new evidence had to be made within three weeks of the conviction. By that law, the DNA evidence was approximately six years and seven months too late for it to matter. [DNA testing didn't exist when he was convicted in 1986.] That left one recourse: executive clemency.........
In theory, Snyder could have gone to federal court and asked for a writ of habeas corpus--a powerful tool that allowed the national court system to reach into the state system and correct injustice. But even that avenue was becoming cloudy. Just as Bing's laboratory [the lab that was doing the second DNA test to validate] was clearing Snyder, the chief justice of the Supreme Court, William Rehnquist, said that the federal courts did not have to entertain claims of innocence. A person convicted in state court could bring a claim to federal court that a trial had been unfair in its procedures but not its results. Nothing in the Constitution said that the federal courts were required to examine proofs of innocence. 'A claim of actual innocence is not itself a constitutional claim,' wrote Justice Rehnquist. He said prisoners who maintained their innocence should ask the governors of their states for pardons or clemency.
So the Snyder case now rested uneasily in the hands of Gov. L. Douglas Wilder, a Democrat in a conservative state. Snyder's freedom had become a political, not legal, issue. And Wilder's staff was concerned that he not be tarred as soft-on-crime liberal. By releasing Snyder, the governor would be acting against the adamancy of Faye Treatser, who continued to insist that Snyder had been her attacker.
All this was conveyed to Peter [Neufeld from Innocent Project] by the governor's public-relations aide. The case was a problem, and it was analyzed in political terms.....Peter understood that Snyder's innocence was a political liability to the governor, just as he realized that his innocence was a legal corpse that the courts had no interest in reviving.
Peter rang the leading newspaper in Richmond, the capital of Virginia....Not only was this hot news--a pardon petition from the defense and the prosecutor---but it was terrific human interest story. For seven years, Edith Snyder, a hardworking postal clear, had doggedly fought to prove her son's innocence. She and her husband had taken second mortgages and second jobs. Now Edith's journey was all but complete. She had concrete, irrefutable evidence of his innocence. Even the prosecutor agreed. How about that! Any day now, Governor Wider would be signing an order of executive clemency. The Snyder family was tying yellow ribbons around the fence on their lawn. The story got great play. The governor's public-relations man called Peter in a rage. 'What are you doing?" he screamed.
'We think it's a great story,' said Peter. 'Don't you?'
'The governor could get hurt here,' said the aide.
More stories ran in Richmond about the valiant Snyders. On April 23, Governor Wilder signed an executive order freeing Walter Snyder, grumbling that he had been dragged into the fray. The law had to be changed. 'It's to much power (for a governor) to say that an innocent person should not go free,' Wilder said. But, he acknowledged: 'I'm convinced he's not guilty.....If (DNA) can be used to convict, it must also be used to protect the innocent.'
'I just don't understand what's taking so long,' said Barry. 'The DNA shows who the real murderer is. And it's not Robert Miller.'
'All the DNA proves is that there were two killers, not just Robert Miller,' said Elliot [Ray Elliot, head of criminal prosecutions in the office of Oklahoma City district attorney] 'All we know from the DNA is that he was not the donor of the semen. We know from Robert's own statement that he was there. He knew things only the killer would have known.'
'You know he made one hundred and thirty-three wrong guesses in that videotape,' said Barry
Elliot smiled.
'His own words put him at the scene of the murder. Don't you worry about it, Barry, we're gonna needle your client.'
'I am sorry,' Barry said. 'I don't know what you mean.'
'You know, lethal injection, the needle,' explained Elliot. 'We're going to needle Robert."
[spoken like a true psychopath, and this is a person responsible for putting people in prison, a person who wants to murder]
Then PCR tests were done, and they clearly excluded Robert Miller. He had not been the rapist of either dead women.
'We'd be waiting outside a judge's chambers, and Ray Elliot would say: 'It's a damn shame they didn't kill him before this DNA testing.' [again spoken like a murderer]
In Canada, the country was shaken by a single, spectacular wrongful conviction based on phony snitch testimony. Guy Paul Morin, twenty-three, was accused of murdering and sexually assaulting his next-door neighbor in 1983. The bulk of the evidence came from two jailhouse informants. When his conviction was overturned in January 1995 because he was proven innocent by DNA tests, a commission reviewed the case and laid down new rules for the use of jailhouse snitches. Now, before a snitch can testify, a high-level screening committee of prosecutors must satisfy themselves that the tale can be corroborated, and not just by other inmates. The committee also must determine whether the snitch, like Terri Holland, is a recidivist. In court, the testimony is presumed unreliable, and the prosecutor must show the judge that it is worth hearing before it can be presented to the jury. Finally, all deals with the informant must be written, and all conversations either videotaped or audiotaped.
Not an iota of reliable evidence would be blocked if such rules were adopted in the United States.
How could such junk science [hair and bite mark] prevail in matters of life and death? Often, the horror of a violent crime will open the door to uncritical acceptance of 'novel' techniques that produce no reliable evidence. When these techniques are brought into court, typically as evidence against poor defendants, the defense simply does not have the resources or expertise to mount a difficult challenge.
More important, the legal standard for scientific evidence, the 'Frye Rule,' created a witless echo chamber: If one court allowed hair evidence, a second court would not make an independent judgment on its admissibility. And if one hair expert testified that he or she had followed the techniques practiced by other hair experts, then that usually was good enough for the courts. Indeed, deafened by the reverberations of previous Frye rulings, the courts would simply ignore new data, like the LEAA proficiency tests that showed hair experts should not be trusted.
In 1985, a Houston woman was raped in her bed. She described the intruder as a 'white male, age thirty-five.' She also described him as 'a white male, but he had an unusual color of skin. It was a honey brown color, but he was not black.' Four months later, she spotted Kevin Byrd in her neighborhood. He was the rapist, she said. Kevin Byrd, however, was black and unmistakably so. At trial, the victim and the prosecution managed to persuade the jury that her attacker was black, and that her repeated use of the word 'white' in the police reports was an error by the detectives. The same error was contained in the report she signed. The jurors believed her and convicted Byrd.
Twelve years went by, and Byrd's cause was taken on by a leading Texas defense attorney Randy Schaffer. He arranged DNA test on the rape kit that showed Kevin Byrd to be innocent. Then came the amazing performance of George W. Bush.
On July 25, 1997, the district attorney joined Schaffer in petitioning the Board of Pardons and Paroles for a gubernatorial pardon of Byrd on the grounds of actual innocence. Three days later, the judge who presided at the trial, Doug Shaver, and the sheriff, Tommy Thomas, sent similar pleas to the board. The board acted swiftly and unanimously recommended that Governor Bush pardon Byrd.
The governor denied the pardon and suggested the whole matter belonged in court. The governor's spokeswoman pointed out that the victim still believed Byrd was her attacker. The Bush political calculus was clear: Duck not only the tough calls but any that might carry the slightest risk of having a crime victim get on TV and call you an accessory to rape. A few weeks after Bush's denial of the pardon, the defense attorney got a letter in the mail from the governor. Randy Schaffer opened it eagerly, hoping for good news from Bush. He found, instead, a fund-raising pitch.
'I took his letter and sent it back, and where he says, 'I need your help,' I wrote, 'I need your help: Will you pardon Kevin Byrd?,' Said Schaffer.
Not long afterward, with the national press covering the Byrd follies, Bush reversed himself and signed the Byrd pardon. Kevin Byrd was the fifteenth person to be pardoned by Bush. He was the first African American to receive one. The governor said that mentioning race was a disgrace.
[race was everything! Bush just didn't like being called out]
During most of the twentieth century, rape was a capital offense in many states, meaning the offender could be executed. This sentencing option was rarely exercised when white men were convicted; however, it was almost universally employed when a black man was found guilty of raping a white woman. In the early decades of the century, the newspapers would report delicately that a 'Negro male was hanged for the usual crime.' [black men are just always raping] Of those executed for rape, 90 percent were black.
The number of capable public defenders is astonishingly high, but so is their burn-out rate. No wonder. Start with the overwhelming caseload. The prosecution is backed with far more resources and enjoys a base of public support for its cases. The typical indigent defendant is seen as a pariah and the defense lawyer as close kin. With an infusion of financial support that would put their salaries on a par with local prosecutors, continuing legal education, and a more flexible work plan, cynicism and pessimism could be defeated. No less than the public and prosecutors, the defense bar needs to absorb the revelations of the DNA era, especially the exclusion of 25 percent of the prime suspects in the laboratory. What was good enough for government work no longer should pass, whether in the private sector or the public defender's office.
'We cannot pretend that in three decades we have completely escaped the grip of a historical legacy spanning centuries,' declared Justice [Thurgood] Marshall. 'We remained imprisoned by the past as long as we deny its influence on the present.'