In this book the learned former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, who first articulated and upheld the famous ‘law of necessity’ (whereby hangs a Pakistani tale), asks the most relevant question of the time. Was the new Pakistani state a secular or theological one? How have subsequent leaders and regimes visualized the nature of the state and to what consequent? What is the form and content of the ideology of Pakistan? What is the nature of the relationship between certain political parties, like the Jamaat-i-Islami and Islam and Pakistan? How will recent amendments to the 1973 Constitution affect the body politic of this country? How can the resurgence of Islam be placed in the wider context of geo-political changes in the Middle East and the South Asian region?
Former Chief Justice Muhammad Munir is best known for his judgement regarding "the doctrine of necessity" to justify the emergency in 1954.
The title gave me the impression that he would record his thoughts on Pakistan's leaders, from Jinnah to Zia.
However,the book is on a different subject.It looks at the role of Islam in Pakistan's politics and constitution.He looks at the differences in Jinnah's vision of Pakistan and that of the parties from the religious right.These parties were initially opposed to the creation of Pakistan,but when the country became a reality,their leaders came here and wanted to establish their own system.
The author looks at sectarian conflicts and differing interpretations of Islam,and wonders whose Islam would be enforced.He then goes into a very lengthy discussion of his own interpretation of Islam.
The book was published early in Zia ul Haq's rule.I suppose Zia wouldn't have been too pleased.
The author also discusses partition and the carnage at the time,in which the family of his older brother was wiped out.He also talks about how what became East Pakistan,was not envisaged as a part of the country in the original idea.
I skimmed through the book,the writing style wasn't too engaging.
বইটার আলোচ্য বিষয় ইসলাম, ইসলামিক রাষ্ট্র আর পাকিস্তান।
দেশে ক্রমবর্ধমান মৌলবাদকে সময়মত না দমালে, মৌলবাদকে রাজনীতির স্বার্থে কাজে লাগাতে চাইলে এর পরিণাম যে কখনও ভাল সংবাদ বয়ে আনে না এই বই পড়লে পাকিস্তানের প্রেক্ষাপটে তা বোঝা সম্ভব। পাকিস্তানের কি দশা হয়েছে সে বিষয়ে কেউই অনবগত নয়। এর মূলে রয়েছে মৌলবাদ।
এই বইটা এ কারণেই পড়া উচিত।
১৯৭১ এ এই পাকিস্তান থেকেই আমরা আলাদা হয়েছি। যে সমস্যা পাকিস্তানকে নিঃশেষ করে দিয়েছে তার বীজ আমাদের দেশের মাটিতেও রয়ে গেছে। ডাল পালা গজাচ্ছে। দেশের ডিস্টোপিয়ান ফিউচার কেমন হতে পারে তা এই বই পড়লে আন্দাজ করা যেতে পারে, আনিসুল হকের 'অন্ধকারের একশ বছর' কথা মনে পড়বে।
এই বই পাঠককে নিজের দেশকে নিয়ে ভাবাবে।
বইয়ে ইসলামের চোখে গণতন্ত্র, ধর্মত্যাগ এবং করের মত আরও অনেক গুরুত্বপূর্ণ বিষয়াদির পাশাপাশি ইসলাম এবং ভারতবর্ষের ইতিহাসও উঠে এসেছে। লেখকের এসব বিষয়ে যে অগাধ জ্ঞান রাখেন তা এই বই পড়লে টের পাওয়া যায় এবং কোন স্বার্থে নয়, বরং একটি নির্মহ অবস্থানে দাঁড়িয়ে তিনি ঘটনাগুলো বিচার বিশ্লেষণ করতে চেয়েছেন।
ইসলাম ধর্ম জ্ঞান আহরণকে বিশেষভাবে গুরুত্ব দেয়। ব্যক্তি জীবন পরিচালনার পথ দেখায় যে ধর্ম সে বিষয়ে জানার, শেখার, বোঝার এবং বিশ্লেষণ করার ক্ষমতা ব্যক্তির নিজের অর্জন করার চেষ্টা করা উচিত। মস্তিষ্ক আল্লাহ তা'আলা দিয়েছেন কাজে লাগানোর জন্য। যদি কাজে না লাগাতেই হত তাইলে মস্তিষ্ক না দিয়ে অন্ধ রোবট বানাতেন। মানুষ নিজের মস্তিষ্ক, নিজের বিবেক না খাটিয়ে জীবনের এই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ বিষয়কে ছেড়ে দিচ্ছে কিছু স্বার্থান্বেষীদের হাতে। হতাশা।
এই বইয়ে বাংলাদেশ প্রসঙ্গত কারণে উঠে এসেছে। একজন পাকিস্তানির কাছ থেকে বাংলাদেশ বিষয়ে নির্মহ দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি আশা করাটা হাস্যকর। তবুও এ ব্যাপারে লেখককে দোষ দিতে পারি না। উনার রিফারেন্স আর সোর্স উভয়ই করাপ্টেড। তাও তিনি যথেষ্ট নির্মহ থাকার চেষ্টা করেছেন। শেখ মুজিব আর ফজলুল হকের নামের বানান পাকিস্তানি আর ভারতীয়রা ঠিক কি কারণে ভুল করে তা আমার অজানা। ব্যাপারটা এতবার চোখে পড়েছে যে এখন দেখলে হাসি পায়।
বইয়ে কুরআন শরীফের আয়াতের রেফারেন্স দেয়ার ক্ষেত্রে আয়াতের সংখ্যায় ভুল হয়েছে। নতুন এডিশনেও তা ঠিক করা হয় নি দেখলাম। এছাড়া কিছু ক্ষেত্রে 'বিসমিল্লাহ' কে সূরার প্রথম আয়াত ধরে আয়াত গণনা করা হয়েছে আবার কিছু জায়গায় সেটা ইগ্নর করা হইসে। সো এটাও একটা প্রবলেম এই বইয়ের।
ভুলে গেলে হবে না, ইনি পাকিস্তান রাষ্ট্রের স্বপ্ন ইল্লজিকালি দেখেন নাই। লজিক দিয়ে পাকিস্তানকে চেয়েছেন এবং বোঝার চেষ্টা করেছেন। গণতন্ত্রের ধাপ্পাবাজিতে রাজনীতিবিদদের নোংরামি তাকে আঘাত যে করবে তা অস্বীকার করার উপায় নেই। বইতে আইয়ুব খানের অনেক প্রশংসা এবং তার পক্ষে অনেক সাফাই গাওয়া হয়েছে। যাইহোক, স্বৈরাচার কখনও কোন ভাল কিছু বয়ে আনে না। আইয়ুব খানও পারেন নাই।
আপডেট- ১২ সেপ্টেম্বর, ২০২৫
বইটা ঘাটাঘাটি করতে গিয়ে আরেকটা ব্যাপার চোখে পড়ল। বইয়ের নির্ঘন্টে লেখক বা প্রকাশক পাকিস্তানের প্রথম আইনমন্ত্রী যোগেন্দ্রনাথ মন্ডলকে নিম্নলিখিত লাইন দ্বারা পরিচয় করিয়েছে-
Mandal, an untouchable taken in his cabinet by Mr. Jinnah
পুরা লাইনটাই ডিরোগেটরি, তাচ্ছিল্যপুর্ণ আর দয়ায় দেয়া এক আবহ তৈরি করে।
লেখক নিজেও সারা বইয়ে একাধিকবার মন্ডল যে ক্যাবিনেট মিনিস্টার ছিল সেটা উল্লেখ করেছে কিন্তু এটা উল্লেখ করেনি যে মন্ডল কি মন্ত্রী ছিল এবং মন্ডলের ব্যাপারে আলাপটাও এমনভাবে উঠে এসেছে যেন মন্ডলকে মন্ত্রীত্ব দিয়ে মহত্ব দেখানো হয়েছে, দয়া করা হয়েছে, লাইক সে এটা ডিজার্ভ করত না।
এখানে একাধিক ব্যাপার আছে।
মন্ডল পাকিস্তান আন্দোলনের একজন ফ্রন্ট রানিং এক্টিভিস্ট ছিলেন। এটা ডিনাই করার কোন উপায় নাই। তাকে দয়া করে পদ দেয়া হয় নাই বরং পদটা তার প্রাপ্য ছিল। কিন্তু আবহ এমনভাবে তৈরি করা হয়েছে যেন দয়া করে মহত্ব দেখানো হয়েছে বলে মনে হয়।
আর পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী শিক্ষিত ক্লাসের মধ্যে যে এলিটিজম ভরে ছিল সেটা লাইনটা পড়লেই বুঝা যায়। আন্টাচেবল না বলে হরিজন বলা যেতে পারে, দলিতও বলা যেতে পারে। যেখানে আম্বেডকারকে তিনি আন্টাচেবল না বলে হরিজনই বলেছে। এটাও উল্লেখ হয় নাই যে, মন্ডল বরিশালের বাঙালি ছিলেন। সুপ্ত বাঙালি বিদ্বেষও এমন লেখনির পিছে দায়ী কিনা তা ভাবনার বিষয়।
লেখক পাকিস্তানের অনেক সমালোচনা করলেও এটা বলতে ভুলে গেলেন যে, মন্ডল প্রথম আইনমন্ত্রী হয়েও ১৯৫০ এর সময়েই পাকিস্তান ছেড়ে পালাতে বাধ্য হন লিয়াকত আলি খান সরকারের এরেস্ট ওয়ারেন্টের শিকার হয়ে। যার অন্যতম কারণ ছিল তিনি পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের দাঙ্গায় মাইনরিটি এবং দলিতদের উপর হওয়া নির্মম নির্যাতনের বিরুদ্ধে কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের নীরব আচরণ এবং ক্রমবর্ধমান ধর্মীয় অসাম্য।
Justice Munir posed a serious argument factually and figuratively, detailing out that Jinnah stood up for a secular democratic state; not the mess we are in right now. He openly ridiculed the Islamist parties and the Ulemas who opposed the creation of Pakistan and called Quaid-e-Azam and even Allama Iqbal ‘kafir’. The author reflected upon how Jinnah’s modern democratic welfare state was reduced to military dictatorship and a state hostage to extremists; through the induction of Liaquat Ali Khan’s Objective Resolution, which was opposed to the Quaid’s vision of Pakistan, and during Zia’s regime with his Islamisation of the military and the state, lost in extremism, engulfed in economic and political instability. The author’s arguments base solely on Jinnah’s vision, and Pakistan’s salvation through that vision.
Very courageous book of a very professional judge who adjudged against the Islamists in Pakistan in 1953. The book has a brief history of the various Islamist parties in the struggle of Pakistan. The ideology of Pakistan was coined after the creation by the same Islamist parties who vehemently opposed its creation in literally a few years. These parties had and still posses a very effective street power in the country and a result are still able to get influence any government whether elected or not to yield to their demands. Justice Munir was probably the only judge to openly ridicule and expose their agenda with any level of impunity in the famous watershed case in 1953. It's a great shame how the political and military leadership failed back his effort, instead they caved under relentless street pressure from the Islamists to make a number of Islamic changes to the constitution which cannot be regressed now, in the wake of increased Islamisation of the Pakistani society. The only way to counter Islamisation is in the court in a fair and serious debate, something which none of the current leadership is incapable of.
A valuable account of history put together by the former chief justice of Pakitan Mr. Muhammad Munir. I became interested in reading Mr. Munir's book after finding out that the author was the one who introduced the 'doctrine of necessity' in Pakistan's history. According to critics the Maulvi Tamizuddin v Federation of Pakistan case changed the direction of Pakistan for the worse. The ruling of the Supreme Court in favor of the Federation meant that the decision of dissolving the country's first constituent assembly was upheld. After that Maj Gen Iskander Mirza became governor general and later imposed Pakistan's first martial law in 1958. All subsequent martial laws have been validated by the superior judiciary.
The author, however, says very little about that famous case. He starts off by giving a brief account as to how Pakistan and its idea came into being. He also shared his experience in the Radcliffe boundary commissions which were hastily done a month or so before partition.
Justice Munir reserves a large part of the book for the Munir Inquiry report which he and a fellow judge Mr. M.R. Kayani wrote. The Munir report was written to inquire into the Punjab disturbances of 1953 which resulted in a martial law being proclaimed in Lahore. He writes at length about the various interviews he conducted of heads of major religious parties of the country. Justice Munir makes it clear in the book that he believes in the tolerant nature of Islam and is not a fan of religious leaders who consider themselves as pious Muslims but are not willing to accept the other person's views and openly declare them as a kafir.
The book was written when the country was under the military rule of Gen. Zia-ul-Haq and the author had retired as a judge. The esteemed author speaks out against Zia-ul-Haq's policy to enforce Islam onto the people of Pakistan. According to him, the Nizam-e-Mustafa's taxation system and other religious policies cannot be implemented as they are being applied incorrectly without any real context.
Overall the book presents a clear picture of the years from 1947 to 1980. An important account of the country's history written by a person who was at the center of an important case in our checkered history. The lack of detail about the Tamizuddin case leaves one feeling empty though.
Its a good book for young generation to know different pespective of history, as it is said that "history is a lie, because dates and facts are only certain in history", so its my view that this book give much help to a young generation.
"From Jinnah to Zia" is a book written by justice Muhammad Munir. He debunks various myths in this book which now have become very sophisticated tools to influence the people of this country.
One of these tools is the 'ideology of Pakistan' which is, according to many, based on religion. And there is also a question which has been unanswered since the beginning that either the Quaid envisioned a secular modern democratic country or a theocratic one. The answer is provided by the writer succinctly in this book.
The most fascinating part of the book for me, however, was that in which the writer tells who some religious doctors ruined this country because of their own personal interests. They dubbed Pakistan as "Palidastan" and "naPakistan" and the Quaid as "Kafir-e-Azam" before the independence. But as soon as Pakistan came into existence, they began to behave like they were the only well-wisher of the country. These religious propagandists belonged to Majlas-e-Ahrar and Jamat-e-Islami. These were the parties who strongly denounced a separate country and advocated Indian nationalism along with the Congress party. These were the parties who ignited religious extremism in Pakistan after the demise of the Qauid, who wanted no minorities in Pakistan on religious bases, says justice Munir in this book.
Another crucial fact that is equally important to discuss is how education alters the way of thinking of a nation when it is influenced by a religious or economic ideology. The communist and capitalist countries also have an ideology for their respective people but they never restricted them from thinking beyond the walls of these ideologies. Pakistan, on the contrary, has become a country wherein people don't bother to raise their voices even over wrong decisions whether taken by political or religious representatives. Now people follow them blindly and believe they will rescue them in this world and hereafter. But in the actual sense, things are going nowhere except becoming worse after passing every single day, as 72 years are evident.
In addition to this, before the partition of India, the issue of the land division was soared that cautioned the Muslims to another level about their future relationships with their Hindu counterparts in the Congress party. Justice Munir was one of the two judges who represented the stance of the Muslim League in the Punjab boundary commission. The whole story that how Congress leadership wanted to deceive the Muslims and intended to take Lahore and some other contiguous areas underhandedly with the help of sir Cyril Radcalif and Mountbatten. The plan of June 3, even though, was prepared before the given time but it was announced after the partition in which some areas adjacent to Kashmir and Punjab were deceptively given to Indian. He says that that decision was against the real plan.
In short, so many such events that changed the destiny of this country and in which the writer either participated or witnessed during his lifetime are make known in this book to the readers. The events which happened after the birth of the country from its founding father to gen. Zia are interesting to read. How a handful of people designed policies of Pakistan in the early years and what the present generation is facing all becomes clear like a crystal after reading this book.
Book: From Jinnah to Zia The author of this book, Chief Justice (Retd) Muhammad Munir, who is well known for the articulation of the ‘Doctrine of Necessity’ (that is which is otherwise not lawful is made lawful by necessity) in his judgment, back in 1954, when the Governor General, Ghulam Muhammad dissolved the Constituent Assembly and appointed a new Council of Ministers (For further info you can read Molvi Tameezuddin vs. Federation of Pakistan). He has been widely criticized for validating the dissolution of Constituent Assembly. And it is believed that after the validation of the dissolution, Pakistan changed its course for the worse. In this book, the author starts with some history about the Independence of the British India, followed by the creation of Pakistan, and then about the mystery that Mr. Jinnah wanted a Secular state. He further prove this argument from different speeches and interviews of Mr. Jinnah. Moving forward, the author for the most part talks about the ‘Munir Report’, which was written by him and his fellow judge Mr. M.R. Kiyani, to inquire into the Punjab disturbances of 1953. The author at length, then follows his interviews with different Ulama and heads of different religious parties and criticizes them for the fact that they were against the creation of Pakistan and used to call it ‘Na-Pakistan (it was the most boring part of this book). Munir for the most part defends his argument and wants Pakistan to be a secular state. He talks very little about the (Molvi Tameezuddin vs. Federation of Pakistan) case and one could easily feel the regret in his writing about that judgment. Because of his judgment in those famous cases, Pakistan went on to bear several decades in Martial Law. According to some experts, it was because of such judgments from our judicial system, that Pakistan lost East Pakistan (Munir had very racial prejudice for bengals and one could easily smell it from his writing). This book was written in very power writing, and sequence. Some of its headings made no sense especially in the later parts. According to him, the Nizam e Mustafa’s Taxation system and other religious policies cannot be implemented as they are being applied incorrectly without any real context. The author stood against Zia’s policy to enforce Islam onto the people of Pakistan. The poor writing leaves one out of touch at the end. 2/5
A courageous effort by the infamous judge( known for his judgment [The doctrine of necessity] in 1954), a brief history of the events which rightly manifest why we are standing where we were not supposed to stand.