Shakespeare wrote eight plays on the later Plantagenets. Incongruously, he did not put them in writing following a clear-cut chronological order.
He started with a tetralogy on the events from 1422 to 1485 — the three parts of Henry VI, Richard III — and then, dovetailing into the preceding work, composed a tetralogy whose narrative runs from 1398 to 1422 — Richard II, the two parts of Henry IV, Henry V.
Even though the plays fluctuate in excellence, the first set being a ‘prentice work’ compared to the second, and although the reverse-chronological order of writing proposes that he started with an unfinished vision of the whole, the series of eight has high coherence as a history of 15th century England.
Indeed, far more than any professional historian, and in the face of the fact that the professionals have improved upon him in historical accuracy, Shakespeare is accountable for whatever notions most of us hold about the period and its political leaders.
It is Shakespeare who has etched upon the common memory the elegant fecklessness of Richard II, the high-spirited heroism of Henry V, the astounding treachery of Richard III.
Regrettably, such central characterizations are often all that we hang on to, from Shakespeare’s history plays. Sometimes they are all a reader or playgoer ever resolutely grabs.
Not that Shakespeare neglected the elucidation of surrounding circumstances: the problem lies in his readers. The typical complexity of Elizabethan plays suggests that Elizabethan audiences were more accustomed to comprehending a large cast and a complicated plot than modern drama has trained us to be.
In the history plays, moreover, Shakespeare could rely upon a measure of former knowledge in his audience.
Aside from the double tetralogy, Shakespeare wrote two other plays on English history, one on King John (reigned 1199-1216) and one on Henry VIII (reigned 1509—1547). These are also reasonably convoluted works, and about these kings as well Shakespeare could expect at least some of his audience to be clued-up.
Since both of these plays are completely self-contained works, not part of a series employing cross-reference between plays, their potential for baffling the reader is somewhat smaller. They present a different version of the problem: moderns are surprised by the contents of the plays.
Nowadays if ordinary readers know anything at all about John before they take up the play, they know that his barons forced him to seal ‘Magna Carta’, an event that is held to be of great constitutional connotation in the history of English-speaking peoples. Shakespeare does not even allude to Magna Carta, although the play dramatizes the baronial revolt that led to it.
If ordinary readers know anything about Henry VIII, they know that he married six wives and brought about the English Reformation. There may also leap to mind the image of an unkind and disgusting king, versatile with the chopping block and coarse in his table manners. Shakespeare’s play, however, includes only two of the wives, deals scantily with the Reformation, and generally portrays the king with the greatest respect.
With these two kings, Shakespeare has had little influence upon the common memory. Constitutional struggles after Shakespeare’s time endowed Magna Carta with its present nearly sacred character, and the popular notion of Henry VIII owes a great deal to Holbein’s paintings, a television series, movies, and historical romances.
The book has been divided into nine sections:
I HISTORY AND HISTORY PLAYS
II RICHARD II: THE FALL OF THE KING
1. Richard’s reign to 1397
2. The Bolingbroke-Norfolk quarrel
3. The usurpation
4. The earl’s rebellion
III HENRY IV: THE KING EMBATTLED
1. The usurper and his challengers
2. The battle of Shrewsbury
3. Gaultree Forest and Bramham Moor
4. The king and the prince
IV HENRY V: THE KING VICTORIOUS
1. The English throne
2. The French throne
V HENRY VI: THE LOSS OF EMPIRE
1. Introduction to the Henry VI plays
2. The end of the Hundred Years War
3. History and I Henry IV
VI HENRY VI & EDWARD IV: THE RIVAL KINGS
1. The disorders of the 1440s
2. The fortunes of Richard duke of York
3. Edward IV, 1461-1471
VII RICHARD III: THE LAST PLANTAGENET
1. Edward IV, 1471-1483
2. The accession of Richard III
3. Bosworth and the Tudors
VIII JOHN: THE LEGITIMACY OF THE KING
1. The Angevin empire
2. The limits of royal authority
3. Usurped rights
IX HENRY VIII: THE SUPREME HEAD
1. Henry VIII and Henry VIII
2. Henry’s reign to 1529
3. The English Reformation
In the aforesaid chapters, the author distinguishes among various perspectives:
*First, there is a modern understanding of what happened in the 15th century, incomplete and full of questions though it be, built up by research historians.
*Secondly, there is a Tudor understanding. Henry VII commissioned an Italian humanist, Polydore Vergil, to write an official history of England. Vergil’s book is the foundation of a lively tradition of Tudor historiography, culminating in two works that were Shakespeare’s principal sources of information: Edward Hall’s The Union of the Two Noble and lllustre Families of Lancaster and York (1548) and Raphael Holinshed’s The Chronicles of England, Ireland, and Scot land (1578; Shakespeare used the second edition, 1587).
Basic to these Tudor accounts is a conviction in Henry VII as the redeemer of England. In part this belief sprang from the requirement to substantiate the Tudor attainment of the throne: Richard III, for example, is made more stunningly villainous than any man could possibly be, so that Tudor monarchy may appear the more sought-after.
In part the belief arose from the wide-spread 16th century belief that secular history displays patterns reflecting God’s providential guidance of human affairs.
Thus the deposition of Richard II is seen as a blasphemous act suspending the progression of God’s anointed kings, a kind of ‘original sin’ for which England and her rulers must suffer.
The Lancastrians are then punished for their usurpation by the Yorkists, and the Yorkists by their own last king, until, England having atoned in blood, redemption may come in the form of Henry Tudor and his union of the rival houses.
*Thirdly, there is a Shakespearean viewpoint. This is, naturally, still largely Tudor, since Shakespeare is writing during the reign of Henry’s grand-daughter, Queen Elizabeth, and drawing his material from Hall and Holinshed.
Nonetheless, despite their large areas of agreement, the Tudor chroniclers, poets, and playwrights who dealt with historical matters (there were many) were certainly capable of individual interpretations of men and events.
Shakespeare above all deviates from the received accounts because he is translating comparatively amorphous chronicles into drama, taking historical liberties out of artistic obligation.
Above all, Shakespeare personalizes. Whether or not history is in actuality governed by the characters and the options of individual men and women, the dramatist can only write as if it were. Social stipulations, cultural patterns, economic forces, justice and the lack of it, all that we mean by “the times,” must be translated into persons and passions if they are to hold the stage.
This book manages to profitably accomplish three purposes:
1) It is triumphant in acting as a ‘backdrop-reading’ for Shakespeare’s ten history plays. Only incidentally does it hint at criticism or the more definite predicaments of Shakespearean source-study: many brilliant books are available on the artistic quality and the implication of these plays.
2) It thrives in presenting a succinct, articulate explanation of English history in the reigns concerned, concentrating on the persons and the issues that Shakespeare dramatized.
3) The book succeeds in serving as an outstandingly unambiguous introduction and a constructive work of reference for the complicated story told by the Bard’s plays.
A must read for every student of Shakespeare. Grab a copy if you choose.