The authors challenge a prevailing view that discounts the role of the group in the evolution of altruism (i.e., individuals act for the good of the group). Given the emphasis on the "selfish gene" in modern evolutionary theory, the challenge is to explain our clearly evident altruistic behavior. (1)
Drawing from Darwin’s observations in “The Descent of Man,” the authors believe that altruism evolved through inter-group competition. The group that had the strongest cooperative tendencies (including a mutual willingness to sacrifice oneself on behalf of the group) outcompeted groups that were weaker with these tendencies. This allowed these groups to prevail and to produce progeny with these group-strengthening traits, thereby spreading them throughout the population. The end result is a human nature that contains both individualistic motivations (pleasure and pain) and the altruistic, other-regarding traits. This is what the authors call a “pluralist” human nature. (2)
The authors’ reliance on Darwin’s group selection theory is problematic as it still does not explain how an altruist’s genes are passed along when the altruist dies prior to reproduction. (3) Is it possible to reinterpret the evidence the authors put forward regarding the origins of altruism? (4) With genetic reproduction as the starting point, mechanisms exist within us to care and support (direct) genetic progeny (5) that leads to an increase in other-regarding altruistic behavior. (6) Viewed this way, reciprocal altruism starts at the beginning. The genes of the parent benefit by moving to a new (body) vehicle and the genes in that vehicle benefit by being supported by the seemingly altruistic behavior of the parents (nurture, protection). Then, just as the body is an extension of the genes, the parents and then the group become a Dawkins’ extended phenotype: the mutual benefit package extends to the group. As the struggle for survival is with the environment in general (for food, defense against hostile animals as well as other groups, and shelter against the elements), the same “genetic contract” pertains: the individual genetic vehicle needs the group to survive, and all of those social and tribal emotions that Darwin discusses are evolution’s means to support survival. The motive force is not to benefit the group as the authors argue, but to promote the selfish gene’s survival. The group, in effect becomes the extended parent because it is in the genetic interest of each group member to ensure the survival of their respective genetic progeny. The individual and group are now no longer two separate entities but are merged, in effect, into one single “genetic unit.” (7)
The authors argue that all human kind exhibits egoistic (hedonistic pleasure and plain) and altruistic (sympathetic, cooperative) behavior. This reflects their multi-selection (individual-group) theory, but is it not possible that people vary, considerably, in these tendencies? Isn’t it consistent with the authors’ (and Darwin’s) variability argument that there are twin poles of human nature: other-regarding nurturers on one pole and self-regarding egoists on the other, with a good percentage of humankind falling in between? (8) Within this range, there is also room for Trivers’ reciprocal altruism, though here it’s helpful to distinguish between those who are other-regarding because they are either nurturers by nature (identifying the others’ interest as their own), or cooperate for utilitarian, reciprocal benefit.
This alternative way of looking at the “Unto-Others” argument also avoids the sand trap in the authors’ argument that all humans have both an altruistic and egoistic nature, which is not supported by history or common sense. Many do, but many don’t. Both poles of behavior work as an evolutionary survival strategy: the other-regarding pole for reasons argued here and the self-regarding pole that works especially well in unequal power and dominance situations, or when combined with deception and manipulation.
1. Evolutionary theorists explain altruism’s origins through kin selection (supporting direct or indirect kin) and reciprocal altruism (helping others to receive help in return). In a review of “Unto Others,” Robert Trivers, the initial articulator of reciprocal altruism and a critic of group selection, writes that “Selfish behavior is expected under classic natural selection, altruistic behavior is not.”
2. The authors call this as their multi-selection theory. In addition to selection operating at both the individual and group level, they argue that a third, non-genetic factor, culture, is also at work. “Natural selection based on cultural variation has produced adaptations that have nothing to do with genes,” they write. I did not understand their argument. Clearly, there’s a near-infinite variety of cultural practices, but these rest on an underlying biological structure, a need for individuals to forge tight group bonds, hence, the social instincts and “altruistic” tendencies that the authors argue are present in all groups.
3. The authors write that “each altruist behaves in a way that decreases its own number of offspring and increases the number of offspring of a single recipient in the population.”
4. Altruism can be explained by Trivers’ reciprocal altruism and by the parental and filial affections noted by Darwin, and by the individual’s dependence on the group for survival. Robert Trivers writes that the individualist selection theory is not incompatible with other-regarding behavior. “Equating ‘selfish’ with ‘self-promoting’ or ‘self-benefiting’ is a perverse use of language,” he writes. “We do not say of someone who loves his children, helps his family and friends and treats his neighbors with respect, ‘What a selfish brute he is,’ yet all of these traits may be genetically self-benefiting.” Also, other-regarding behavior can be seen as an extension of parent-child relationships. As Darwin writes, “The feeling of pleasure from society is probably an extension of the parental or filial affections…With those animals which were benefited by living in close association, the individuals which took the greatest pleasure in society would best escape various dangers whilst those that cared least for their comrades, and lived solitary, would perish in greater numbers. Darwin also writes: “As man advances in civilization, and small tribes are united into larger communities, the simplest reason would tell each individual that he ought to extend his social instincts and sympathies to all the members of the same nation, though personally unknown to him. This point being once reached, there is only an artificial barrier to prevent his sympathies extended to the men of all nations and races….[And] Sympathy beyond the confines of man, that is humanity to the lower animals, seems to be one of the latest moral acquisitions.”
5. The indirect kin part of the inclusive fitness argument is a problem. How does “care” jump across non-direct genetic lines? As the earliest groups may have consisted of largely kin, might the extended kin explanation for altruism in the “inclusive fitness” argument be spurious?
6. The authors’ definition of altruism (self-sacrificing on behalf of the group) is overly constraining. Presumably, most cooperative, other-regarding behavior can occur without the loss of life. This counters the authors’ (and Darwin’s) assertion that “It should be obvious that selfish types always have more offspring than altruists and will be favored by natural selection.” Isn’t it possible for such other-regarding behavior to evolve because it benefits individual survival, thereby allowing these tendencies to have been passed along to succeeding generations (see footnote 4)? This is also a problem with the definition of altruism. It excludes self-interest, even though there’s a reciprocal benefit to both the parent’s genetic progeny and the genetic vehicle itself.
7. This by itself does not explain the intense tribalism that Darwin saw, unless of course other groups were always competitive and therefore hostile as he and Sober-Wilson argue. But perhaps it’s not this at all. Perhaps the “genetic merger” of the individual and the group is so tight that it, like a cell, functions as a unit, viewing the outside world as something to be used or something to guard against. Certainly, there was group versus group hostility, but what about co-existence or even cooperation for mutual benefit (“reciprocal altruism” in another form)?
8. Intriguingly, the authors refer in a footnote to W.D. Hamilton’s suggestion “that a single gene might influence both the expression of altruism and some other trait that causes the altruists and nonaltruists to sort nonrandomly into groups.”