This book provides an account of the lives of Bhilala adivasis in the Narmada valley who are fighting against displacement by the Sardar Sarovar dam in Western India. On the basis of intensive fieldwork and historical research, this study places the tribal community in the context of its experience of state domination. The author challenges current theories of social movements which claim that a cultural critique of the "development" paradigm is writ large in the political actions of those marginalized by "development"--adivasis who lived in harmony with nature, combining reverence for nature with the sustainable management of resources.
The complexity of adivasi politics cannont be reduced to an opposition between "development" and "resistance." The book forces us to re-examine the politics of representation within the ideology of progressive movements. It will be of equal interest to scholars and social activists concerned about development environment, and indigenous peoples.
Amita Baviskar is a sociologist and Professor of Environmental Studies and Sociology & Anthropology at Ashoka University, India. Previously, she was Professor at the Sociology Unit, Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi, India.
BOOK REVIEW: IN THE BELLY OF A RIVER by AMITA BAVISKAR Based on: - Tribal Conflicts over Development in the Narmada Valley Amita Baviskar, in her book “In the Belly of the River” addresses the conflict in perspectives of development, through her exploration of the struggles of adivasi communities in fitting to the general notion of development. The book is centered on the issues addressed by the “Narmada Bachao Andolan,” a movement resisting the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Dam and tackling conflicts related to the perception of development. It draws the reader to critically reflect upon the notion of development and urges the reader to understand development through a lens which allows for integration of conservation, both environmental and social, into developmental planning, the concern for human needs and the notions of achievement of equity and social justice, especially for marginalized communities. The author introduces the reader to the Bhil and Bhilala tribes, situated in Anjanvara, a village in Jhabua district of Madhya Pradesh, an area which was to be submerged by the Sardar Sarovar dam. Using her field stories, she is not only effective in allowing the reader to personally associate with the people she is researching amongst, but also critically provides her stance on the importance of looking at issues through multiple perspectives. As such, a participatory approach to viewing development is embraced by the author. She importantly states that “there is no unified tangible reality for all to see…There are multiple realities, constructed by people in different ontological positions...” This is a basis to how Baviskar examines and develops the issues around the adivasi community development. Having established the viewpoint of her work, the reader is made to contemplate the impact of the difference in the visions of development and how a nation’s decision to follow a certain perspective to development defines the state of its current affairs. It is interesting to learn that the course of development in India could have been a significantly different one, depending on the perspective of development adopted by the nation; two different perspectives for the development in India are discussed, one a ‘Gandhian’ view to revitalize the village economy as the basis of development and the other, a ‘Nehruvian’ viewpoint which took on development through rapid industrialization and urbanization, much like the development perspective of the ‘west.’ India, taking the viewpoint of many nationalists, adopted an industrial approach to development with an ‘industrialize or perish’ approach, an emulation of the west, which believed that the benefits of industrial development would allow for development to ‘trickle down’ to the bottom and alleviate the poverty in the country. Baviskar shows that industrialization being the chosen route towards national development had major failings, as only few were able to benefit from industrialization, thereby creating social inequality in the country. She importantly states that the issue of development was not largely to do with the availability of resources but the extremely skewed and biased nature of its distribution, appropriated largely by the elites. This is a critical aspect in how she contextualizes the exploitation and marginalization of the adivasi community. Furthermore, Baviskar presents other issues with the development perspective as she states that the “ideology of national development had been used to legitimize exploitation.” We find that after independence that while the GDP increased, more health care facilities are created, public education is improved, piped drinking water reaches more homes, this largely caters to the rich (owners of industries and landowners) and the middle class people in their “barricaded” lifestyles; but the status of the landless poor remains largely unchanged. Rather, it “diminishes the ability of the poor to gainfully use natural resources.” The development model based upon large projects and industrialization is questioned by Baviskar through the use of strong statistical information. The reader is presented with the disproportionate government spending on various sectors in comparison to the need for development of those sectors. One example that Baviskar presents us shows that 22% of the total planned budget was allocated for agriculture, when 75% of the population had been engaged in agriculture. Furthermore, Baviskar’s also highlights that while industrialization increased the economy of the country (almost doubled), the employment only increased by 37% further indicating a ‘jobless growth.’ Baviskar is also critical on the approach to how the state sees development, which prefers to “believe that showy, expensive projects are better investment than more modest, decentralized ones.” She further requests the reader to reason with her regarding the reasonability of large projects showing how the government had invested more on major and medium irrigation projects than the minor irrigation projects; but it was the impact of minor irrigation projects that had been significantly greater. As such, she continues to highlight that the priorities are skewed with regard to the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Dam and shows how the cost of the dam would amount to more than the entire amount spent on irrigation by the government. She further builds upon her case to also exhibit the irony of how large dams and embankments were constructed to control flood damage but rather had increased annual floods damages nearly forty times from the 1950s to the 1980s. The account of the oppression and marginalization of Bhil and Bhilala community is further developed upon through a historical lens, where we find that through much of Bhil and Bhilala history, these tribes have had to suffer exploitation of their material resources ranging from oppression by the Rajputs, Marathas, Mughals and the British. As such, with the vision of independent India and its ideals for development, we are made to ponder how the independence did not change their fortunes, but rather find that the shortcomings of the development agenda adopted failed in integrating the tribal community. We see that the exploitation of these communities for their resources by the state does not end and oppression has just changed its hands. Through this, Baviskar makes a case for why indigenous tribal communities such as the Bhil and Bhilalas offer resistance to ‘development’ for whom resistance is largely about “retaining access to natural resources, getting a fairer deal in the work process, and asserting cultural autonomy.” In contrast to the state’s development perspective, we are also presented with the social structure, economic dynamics and religious practices of the Bhil and Bhilalas, so as to further understand the complexity of the politics of resistance. Since these tribes are isolated from the Bazaarias (traders and upper caste Hindus of the plains), we find that the Bhilala have formed a combination of rituals, practices, material culture and values which are unique to their identity, though having been influenced by the Hindu mainstream, most apparently seen through the integration of the values of caste hierarchy in their societies. Baviskar explains how the adivasi identity is strengthened by the unity of their village communities and have an egalitarian approach to ownership and use of forest resources. As such, we are made to see that Bhil and Bhilala economy is directly linked to their natural resources, and their religious practices and festivals are defined by their relation to the use of land, agriculture cycles, livestock, forest and the river. Baviskar develops this linkage of the Bhilala beliefs with nature as we find that the most important Bhilala ritual is the Indal Pooja i.e. the worship of the union of the rain and earth which brings forth grain; the Gayana during Indal links the origin of world to the river Narmada. It is also necessary to understand that the Bhilala beliefs of nature are completely different than that of the conservationist or preservationist perspective. It is of interest to learn that while nature holds centrality in their religious beliefs and that their economic interests draws these communities to directly interaction with it, this does not directly translate to the sustainable use of resources. This requires us to consider that reverence towards nature is not enough in combating ecological deterioration and that poverty and continued subjection oblige tribal communities to exploit their already deteriorated natural material base further. Baviskar indicates that the complexity of the Bhilala relationship with nature at times is a non-progressive one that can make it difficult to find a consensus in the politics of resistance. However, we find that the politics behind channelizing the resources of the forest away from the adivasis by the state catalyzed the creation of a Sangath (union), through which the adivasis and several groups of activists and volunteers were able to come together against the state, in order to gain access to their forest and land. It is in this context, we find that the ‘Narmada Bachao Andolan’ supplements the efforts of the Sangath as it finds a common cause for local communities, activists and intellectuals, albeit with their differences in their ideologies, to come together on a common platform of resistance against the construction of the Sardar Savovar dam and the submergence of nearby areas. Moreover, we also find that a major achievement of the Andolan was that it blurred the difference between several classes, sects and castes within the tribal communities by bringing them together to struggle for a common goal while they still had distinct viewpoints and expectations. Through the critical assessment of development and the struggle of the tribal communities in the Narmada valley, Baviskar urges us to contemplate the notion of development and the social distribution of costs and benefits to people. We come to understand that tribal resistance is not really about the “politics of honour” but rather about a reality lived by tribal communities where the desire to safeguard ecological resources is about livelihoods and survival of these people groups. Despite the efforts of the Andolan, the hegemony of the state overpowers the voice of the marginalized tribals and their supporters, drawing us to reflect upon the difficulties in reaching a consensus to forming a sustainable and equitable society. Having taken us through the cacophony of conflicting ideas of development, Baviskar allows us to quitely ponder how, much like a dam, a symbol of national development and growth, largely benefiting an elite class of society, it is also one that submerges not only their lives but also the viewpoints of those belonging to the marginalized sections of society.
This review has been written by group members Rakhi Chaudary, Harshita Sharma, Prity Chowdury, Raj, Reuben Gergan (ESRM Semester 1 – Fall 2018) under the respective block course of Introduction to Sustainable Development
In the belly of the river' is a perfect exposition of the real conflicts arising in the wake of environmental movements in India. The book is written from the ideological standpoint of an environmental researcher with personal anecdotes. Amita Baviskar tries to understand the nexus of living in harmony with nature through a deep understanding of a tribal community named 'Bhilala'. The relationship between the Research (author) and the Researched (Bhilala community) as mentioned in the preface of the book has been comprehensively put through. The author further stresses the intersubjectivity of the 'truth' and the reality of the situation by evaluating the research through practice in the field.
The book provides a wholesome study of historical context, religious practices, economic nuances, societal traditions of the Bhilalas.
Amita tries to deconstruct the role of a research study by replacing a scholarly research with practical on-field study through physical interactions with local communities. Collecting data and intensive study of village community proves to be a more realistic study than a scholarly research. However, the book itself is a storehouse of paradoxes and contradictions divides into both true and false simultaneously.
The politics of representation is extensively described, "relationship between ideological assumptions of researchers and how they represent the people whom they study". The author through her position as a researcher discerns the sacred beliefs of the villagers and their reverence towards nature and their sustainable use of nature in everyday lives. Villagers even though revered nature were failed to restore sustainable practices in reality. The author traces the historical developments that happened in the country pre and post-independence. She draws a connection between poverty and ecological crisis in the country. She further explores the concept of national development that has been modernized in our country since the colonial period.
"The model of development as modern industrial growth was derived from the historical trajectory of former colonial powers such as Britain, France, and Germany - a model that newly independent states sought to emulate". The nation development is ironical as it contributes to more indebtedness to the country by taking credit and loans from foreign creditors. The burden of loan repayment and the financial pressure on state tend to exploit the working class with the overburden of work. Thus, what seems as nation development is ironical in its own nature of development as it nothing less than a process of further repression of human labour and exploitation of natural resources as well. The more the degradation of natural resources the lesser the chance of being sustainable.
Social movements emerged out of resistance against this so-called development. Green movements like 'Narmada Bachao Andolan' are less apolitical in nature and profess a democratisation of people's welfare and rights, unlike the orthodox Marxist movements of class struggle and inequality. The author traces the life of Adivasi community around Sardar Sarovar dam and understands the inter-dependency of the State and Adivasis living there. The history of Rajput invasion in the territory around the Dam. Rajputs were accorded as chiefs in the tribal community to take major decisions keeping in mind the ruling political system and the indigenous tribal traditions of Adivasis. Later came the Marathas and then the British rule.
According to Ramchandra Guha, three ideologies were emphasised for an environmental critique of the values of development – ‘Crusading Gandhian’, ‘Appropriate Technology’ and ‘Ecological Marxism’. The author argues “Gandhian critique of modern science has negated the growth of technological advancement by the Marxists, while the Marxist as being the promoters of equality in class structures, in their understanding of exploitation, has forced the Gandhians to incorporate a more egalitarian perspective on social change. The result of these counter ideologies multiplies the environmental problems more adversely. Baviskar further exemplifies that the cultural traditions of Adivasis blended with ecological Marxism to form a powerful conscious way to critique present development.
Women became an important part of the Andolan, being the cultural force as well as a source of driving income homes. Under the topic 'Feuds as the politics of Gender,' we found that women were molested and were considered as "assets" by men which they have to protect and also exchange for the benefit of both production and reproduction. Women have very little freedom and their freedom only lies with getting transported from men to other men. Adivasi community is ironical in their treatment of women. They value their importance but at the same time deny them freedom for their basic rights. Another substantial nuance is to understand the notion of honour in the Adivasi community. The honour and politics go hand in hand. Honour serves as a symbolic relevance in the Adivasi politics.
In chapter 6, 'Economy and Ecology' we understand that the unsustainable practices by Bhilalas were naturalized due to political and economic subjection. Hence, their sustainable practices were lost to meet the demands of the economy. Forest is a rich source of wood - bamboo and teak are sold in the market for the rising economic consumption. Thus, the more the economy grows the more it affects the ecology of the forest disrupting its natural resources. The major reason behind huge economic consumption is the absolute state control over the natural resources. This not only creates an imbalance in nature but also is a bane to forest labour who work to produce agricultural/forest products at their peril. Deforestation and land encroachment are the other two atrocities against nature. The cultivated land is often found to be used as a land for human settlement. This is evident in the failure of forest laws.
In chapter 7 of the book: 'Nature and ideology', we discover the intricate relationship between religion and nature. "By establishing a religious connection with their environment and acknowledging its power to affect their fortunes, people also 'naturalize' their own existence, explaining, and at the same time claiming for themselves their physical world." Their rituals of worshipping nature have been exhibited in the book. This glorifies the need to pay reverence to nature as equivalent to God. For example, Indal pooja is performed and signifies to the union of rain and earth to bring the rain showers. However, there lies a contradiction in yielding these prayers. Although, the bhilalas are conscious of the importance of nature they are also uneducated about the environmental concerns and changes happening in the forest. Their idealisation of nature does not work when it comes to the real environmental problems. The author here also suggests an irony in the present conservation situation. She says, "but today, even when people realize the need to conserve, the pressures of the present make foregoing for the future nearly impossible. Because there is little that they can do, people must cut woods and cultivate thin soils. In order to guarantee present subsistence, they must mortgage their future...The disjuncture between understanding and actions remain unspanned." The research states that people's actions are marred due to the economic and political burden. The corollary of this pressure is that people are actually unaffected by the environmental disturbances and thus, adopting myriad unsustainable practices or even way of living without any conscious thought. It is all the game of economy that could/can change the environmental situation what India is facing today.
Now comes the role of environmental activists who play a big role in the feud system in villages. They do try to bring consciousness to the Sangath and Sangath in turn to the Adivasis. This also aids in bringing together individuals under one umbrella for a noble cause. Activism is therefore important to induce the change in the forest community.
The book delineates the critical analysis of the Narmada Bachao Andolan from a political perspective. It begins with the deconstruction of the idea that nation development supersedes the uprooting of tribal. In the words of S.C. Varma, "...yet the uprooting has to be done". The development authorities state that development is a universally beneficial process so much so that the pain and trauma of the tribals due to uprooting seemed to be less trivial to them. It also exposes the reality that the Andolan was undemocratic and breaches the rights of tribal who raise their voice against the movement.
The book ends with a concise summarization of the economic development: "In the global march of the development, the wealth of the earth is being appropriated by elites, impoverishing nature as well as vast human masses who depend on the natural resources for sustenance. The challenge to development has come in the form of political movements of people who are ecologically, economically, and culturally marginalized."
Initially I was skeptical, thought it will be much more of an academic book. But was great read. Especially chapters on history and tradition of Bhil and Bhilala tribes. Give me insight into life of one of the Aborignal tribes of India. As I also belong to neighbouring district of Alirajpur was of great help to understand history, ecology and culture of my sorroundings.