What do you think?
Rate this book
Beyond the Age of Innocence: Rebuilding Trust Between America and the World
After publishing articles in leading American journals for over two decades, Kishore Mahbubani was described as "an Asian Toynbee, preoccupied with the rise and fall of civilizations" by The Economist . Trained in philosophy in North America and Asia, and well-experienced in real politik as a diplomat on the world stage, Mahbubani has unusual insight into America's ever more troubled relationship with the rest of the world.
In Beyond the Age of Innocence Mahbubani reveals to us the America that Asia and the rest of the world see. We are a country that has given hope to billions by creating a society where destiny is not determined at birth. After the Second World War, we created a global order which allowed many nations to flourish. But when the Cold War ended, America made a terrible mistake. We started behaving like a normal country, ignoring the plight of others, indifferent to the consequences of our decisions on others. America was imprudent in its policy towards two large masses of the Chinese and Muslim populations. Guantanamo damaged our moral authority, but Abu Ghraib, paradoxically, may have demonstrated the accountability of American institutions. Still, disillusionment with America has spread to all corners.
To allow any lasting gap between America and the world, Mahbubani argues, would be a colossal strategic mistake for America and a huge loss to the world. But there is still time for the US to change course; and in this thought-provoking, visionary book, Mahbubani shows us how.
In Beyond the Age of Innocence Mahbubani reveals to us the America that Asia and the rest of the world see. We are a country that has given hope to billions by creating a society where destiny is not determined at birth. After the Second World War, we created a global order which allowed many nations to flourish. But when the Cold War ended, America made a terrible mistake. We started behaving like a normal country, ignoring the plight of others, indifferent to the consequences of our decisions on others. America was imprudent in its policy towards two large masses of the Chinese and Muslim populations. Guantanamo damaged our moral authority, but Abu Ghraib, paradoxically, may have demonstrated the accountability of American institutions. Still, disillusionment with America has spread to all corners.
To allow any lasting gap between America and the world, Mahbubani argues, would be a colossal strategic mistake for America and a huge loss to the world. But there is still time for the US to change course; and in this thought-provoking, visionary book, Mahbubani shows us how.
- GenresNonfictionPolitics
235 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2005
About the author
Kishore Mahbubani
31 books352 followersKishore Mahbubani (born 24 October 1948) is a Singaporean academic and former diplomat. He is currently Professor in the Practice of Public Policy at Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore.
From 1971 to 2004 he served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was Singapore's Permanent Representative to the United Nations. In that role, he served as President of the United Nations Security Council in January 2001 and May 2002.
On 6 November 2017, Mahbubani announced that he would retire from the position as Dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School at the end of 2017.
From 1971 to 2004 he served in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was Singapore's Permanent Representative to the United Nations. In that role, he served as President of the United Nations Security Council in January 2001 and May 2002.
On 6 November 2017, Mahbubani announced that he would retire from the position as Dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School at the end of 2017.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
August 17, 2019
An important book on international affairs
Singaporean scholar and diplomat Kishore Mahbubani is a great admirer of the United States. He is also a stern critic. I think these qualities are exactly what America needs now at the time of our greatest strength. What Mahbubani wants is to gently admonish the United States for acting unilaterally and without the benefit of international law, while at the same time remind us all of America's greatness and all that America has done for the world.
He emphasizes that the US is not and has not been an ordinary superpower. Unlike other great states, it has not sought empire or the economic enslavement of the vanquished. Instead it has rebuilt the enemy, as in Germany and Japan, and as it is presumably trying to do in Iraq. These extraordinary behaviors by a nation state mark the US as an enlightened nation, a nation that knows that world stability and the economic success of other nations only contribute to stability and the good life at home.
"America is...an atypical human society," he writes, "unlike any other. Until recently, it has served as a powerful beacon, pointing to a future for all of humankind. That is its essence, its real mission: to remain true to its soul and remain an extraordinary society." (p. 211) Mahbubani adds that in other parts of the world, the men who open doors for you...look down in a sort of implicit bow," but that "New York doormen never look down. They look you straight in the eye and behave as total equals... They may work...in the building" and "receive tips...but they possess not an iota of inferiority." (p. 210) He calls this "an enormous leap upwards in the human evolutionary ladder." He believes that "America has largely escaped the pernicious effects of class stratification prevalent in the rest of the world." (p. 211)
His main point, however, is that America power reaches with its tentacles, both soft and hard, into every country of the world and affects everybody from the poorest to the wealthiest. Yet the only people who have any direct say in what the US does are Americans who can vote for its leadership. Consequently there is great frustration throughout the world with a power that to some extent controls them, but that they cannot control.
Mahbubani believes that it is especially important that America use its military power wisely. If we do not, the rest of the world will view our "soft power" suspiciously "as an increasingly frayed velvet glove that covers a mailed fist." (p. 197)
As an example of the wise use of military power, Mahbubani notes that "Global trade continues to grow steadily. Many reasons explain this: technology, open markets (an ideology spread by American influence), political stability, global trading rules (another American legacy). But one important factor that is rarely mentioned or recognized is the spread of American military power around the world. American military power keeps global sea and air routes open. Any force that tries to disrupt these routes will have to reckon with America. Since no country can, global trade has flourished." (p. 140)
Consequently, Mahbubani argues, the rest of the world benefits "enormously and directly from the global American military presence, which costs American taxpayers over $400 billion a year. But other nations pay not a penny for this." (p. 141)
What Mahbubani would like to see--barring a sharing of power--is a foreign policy by the US that understands the extent of its power and uses that power wisely for the benefit of all and not just for narrow, short-term American interests. He believes that what is good for the rest of the world is good the for the US. If the rest of the world suffers because of unenlightened US policy, as it sometimes has in the past, the US itself will suffer as well.
He makes it clear that the neocon dream of an American Empire is a delusion based on an unrealistic understanding of both America and the modern world. He writes, "With all the military power in the world, America appears incapable of subjugating one medium-sized country in the Middle East because it is incapable of administering the kind of brutal suppression the British applied when they conquered Iraq in 1917." (p. 10) He adds on page 202, "If America cannot tolerate the sight of its soldiers abusing a few Iraqis, how can it build an empire?"
Then there is the question of legitimacy. Although they have no vote on who is elected president of the United States, Mahbubani believes that the planet's 6.3 billion citizens "are the ultimate custodians of legitimacy in the international environment." (p. 186) Since most Americans believe in the rule of law and in the idea that some actions are legitimate within its scope and others not, it behooves our government to act accordingly. Mahbubani's point is that if our use of power (as in the invasion of Iraq) is not seen as legitimate, we will lose prestige and credibility in the world, and with that loss, we will abdicate moral leadership and ultimately become isolated from the rest of the world. In the "Age of Innocence" that would have been okay. China existed for centuries isolated from the rest of the world as did the US (for the most part) until the first world war. However in the modern world where everyone is so closely connected, such isolation is not possible.
A note on Mahbubani's choice of title and his message: "The Age of Innocence" was before the modern age, before the globalization of the planet. There is a novel by Edith Wharton with the title The Age of Innocence published in 1920 (but set in the1870s). With every country in the world affecting not only its neighbors but countries around the globe, there can no longer be any innocence of intent in foreign affairs.
--Dennis Littrell, author of “The World Is Not as We Think It Is”
Singaporean scholar and diplomat Kishore Mahbubani is a great admirer of the United States. He is also a stern critic. I think these qualities are exactly what America needs now at the time of our greatest strength. What Mahbubani wants is to gently admonish the United States for acting unilaterally and without the benefit of international law, while at the same time remind us all of America's greatness and all that America has done for the world.
He emphasizes that the US is not and has not been an ordinary superpower. Unlike other great states, it has not sought empire or the economic enslavement of the vanquished. Instead it has rebuilt the enemy, as in Germany and Japan, and as it is presumably trying to do in Iraq. These extraordinary behaviors by a nation state mark the US as an enlightened nation, a nation that knows that world stability and the economic success of other nations only contribute to stability and the good life at home.
"America is...an atypical human society," he writes, "unlike any other. Until recently, it has served as a powerful beacon, pointing to a future for all of humankind. That is its essence, its real mission: to remain true to its soul and remain an extraordinary society." (p. 211) Mahbubani adds that in other parts of the world, the men who open doors for you...look down in a sort of implicit bow," but that "New York doormen never look down. They look you straight in the eye and behave as total equals... They may work...in the building" and "receive tips...but they possess not an iota of inferiority." (p. 210) He calls this "an enormous leap upwards in the human evolutionary ladder." He believes that "America has largely escaped the pernicious effects of class stratification prevalent in the rest of the world." (p. 211)
His main point, however, is that America power reaches with its tentacles, both soft and hard, into every country of the world and affects everybody from the poorest to the wealthiest. Yet the only people who have any direct say in what the US does are Americans who can vote for its leadership. Consequently there is great frustration throughout the world with a power that to some extent controls them, but that they cannot control.
Mahbubani believes that it is especially important that America use its military power wisely. If we do not, the rest of the world will view our "soft power" suspiciously "as an increasingly frayed velvet glove that covers a mailed fist." (p. 197)
As an example of the wise use of military power, Mahbubani notes that "Global trade continues to grow steadily. Many reasons explain this: technology, open markets (an ideology spread by American influence), political stability, global trading rules (another American legacy). But one important factor that is rarely mentioned or recognized is the spread of American military power around the world. American military power keeps global sea and air routes open. Any force that tries to disrupt these routes will have to reckon with America. Since no country can, global trade has flourished." (p. 140)
Consequently, Mahbubani argues, the rest of the world benefits "enormously and directly from the global American military presence, which costs American taxpayers over $400 billion a year. But other nations pay not a penny for this." (p. 141)
What Mahbubani would like to see--barring a sharing of power--is a foreign policy by the US that understands the extent of its power and uses that power wisely for the benefit of all and not just for narrow, short-term American interests. He believes that what is good for the rest of the world is good the for the US. If the rest of the world suffers because of unenlightened US policy, as it sometimes has in the past, the US itself will suffer as well.
He makes it clear that the neocon dream of an American Empire is a delusion based on an unrealistic understanding of both America and the modern world. He writes, "With all the military power in the world, America appears incapable of subjugating one medium-sized country in the Middle East because it is incapable of administering the kind of brutal suppression the British applied when they conquered Iraq in 1917." (p. 10) He adds on page 202, "If America cannot tolerate the sight of its soldiers abusing a few Iraqis, how can it build an empire?"
Then there is the question of legitimacy. Although they have no vote on who is elected president of the United States, Mahbubani believes that the planet's 6.3 billion citizens "are the ultimate custodians of legitimacy in the international environment." (p. 186) Since most Americans believe in the rule of law and in the idea that some actions are legitimate within its scope and others not, it behooves our government to act accordingly. Mahbubani's point is that if our use of power (as in the invasion of Iraq) is not seen as legitimate, we will lose prestige and credibility in the world, and with that loss, we will abdicate moral leadership and ultimately become isolated from the rest of the world. In the "Age of Innocence" that would have been okay. China existed for centuries isolated from the rest of the world as did the US (for the most part) until the first world war. However in the modern world where everyone is so closely connected, such isolation is not possible.
A note on Mahbubani's choice of title and his message: "The Age of Innocence" was before the modern age, before the globalization of the planet. There is a novel by Edith Wharton with the title The Age of Innocence published in 1920 (but set in the1870s). With every country in the world affecting not only its neighbors but countries around the globe, there can no longer be any innocence of intent in foreign affairs.
--Dennis Littrell, author of “The World Is Not as We Think It Is”
April 25, 2008
This book will make you feel so intelligent! It's the best introduction to international affairs that I've come across, although it's really intended to explain the changes in how the rest of the world feels about America. He makes all this complicated history so simple and lucid and clear, with the utterly matter-of-fact tone of someone who knows from long experience in the UN, not someone who's just guessing or emoting.
Read
January 24, 2026This book in 20 years old now. In it Mahbubani made the case that the US should not give up on being the global leader and champion of liberalism, and looks at specific policy failures in this regard.
As many reviews and endorsements note, the writing in this book is bold and personal, but I think a valuable contribution because it is an optimistic interpretation and policy recommendation for what are too complex issues for most people to follow all nuances of.
May SEA produce many such bold and celebrated writers.
As many reviews and endorsements note, the writing in this book is bold and personal, but I think a valuable contribution because it is an optimistic interpretation and policy recommendation for what are too complex issues for most people to follow all nuances of.
May SEA produce many such bold and celebrated writers.
October 10, 2019
Let's talk about the revolution this world has got since the last century and who made it happened? Today, when we dream to become a developed country we witness America on top why? Because of its technological advancement, and how it has immense control on this earth, SUPERPOWER.
The major difference between other developed countries and America is of the colonial disparity. America never deployed its supremacy to colonize any society or command any country. Yes, it has an influence on so many feeble countries, like Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia. It has military control over them, but the intention to colonize doesn't exist. The transformative revolution after introducing the new World order in 1945 has rapidly changed the world in all its forms so we should praise America on this part.
Now, if we see the dark side so it has much to say too. The American think tank is so stingy and flexible when it comes to gaining the advantage of their own, doesn't matter if it ameliorates other countries. The lively example of Indonesia. The crises in the '90s and Indonesia didn't get any assistance from America. It is no doubt the smartest nation in the world. Its policies are made to benefit America, not considering what sort of an impact it will imprint on the rest of the world.
I personally feel this is one great geopolitical book written with unprecedented truthfulness. We got to learn so much from American history because it is most probably the only country in human history who is ruling the world without imposing colonialism. A recent example of American military withdrawal from Afghanistan is in process.
The major difference between other developed countries and America is of the colonial disparity. America never deployed its supremacy to colonize any society or command any country. Yes, it has an influence on so many feeble countries, like Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia. It has military control over them, but the intention to colonize doesn't exist. The transformative revolution after introducing the new World order in 1945 has rapidly changed the world in all its forms so we should praise America on this part.
Now, if we see the dark side so it has much to say too. The American think tank is so stingy and flexible when it comes to gaining the advantage of their own, doesn't matter if it ameliorates other countries. The lively example of Indonesia. The crises in the '90s and Indonesia didn't get any assistance from America. It is no doubt the smartest nation in the world. Its policies are made to benefit America, not considering what sort of an impact it will imprint on the rest of the world.
I personally feel this is one great geopolitical book written with unprecedented truthfulness. We got to learn so much from American history because it is most probably the only country in human history who is ruling the world without imposing colonialism. A recent example of American military withdrawal from Afghanistan is in process.
August 17, 2012
An interesting and balanced assessment of how America is benefiting and harming the world. Mahbubani argues that American policymakers should consider the consequences of their policies (including domestic policies) on the rest of the world. He can often seem provocative and anti-Western, but he shows a lot of respect for American culture and values in this book too. I also like that he added a few personal experiences here and there. Some interesting points covered in the book:
- special relationships that were perceived by several countries during the Cold War, followed by disappointment and a sense of betrayal when the US decided to 'retreat and disengage'
- creation and arming of a pan-Islamic force by America to defeat the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, later leaving behind a political vacuum there
- new practices to deal with terrorism, but no new rules to explain and justify
There are unfortunately a few things that I found irritating.
- Mahbubani criticizes American inaction during the genocide in Rwanda - not surprising. But he also condemns Vietnam's "arrogant" decision to invade Cambodia and put an end to a genocide there. They may have invaded for the wrong reasons, but they were the only country willing to stop that genocide. Mahbubani seems to think that they should have tolerated the genocide and occasional massacres in Vietnam for no better reason than a warning from China.
- According to M. the Cultural Revolution may not have been such a bad thing because it may have contributed to destroying feudalism.
- special relationships that were perceived by several countries during the Cold War, followed by disappointment and a sense of betrayal when the US decided to 'retreat and disengage'
- creation and arming of a pan-Islamic force by America to defeat the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, later leaving behind a political vacuum there
- new practices to deal with terrorism, but no new rules to explain and justify
There are unfortunately a few things that I found irritating.
- Mahbubani criticizes American inaction during the genocide in Rwanda - not surprising. But he also condemns Vietnam's "arrogant" decision to invade Cambodia and put an end to a genocide there. They may have invaded for the wrong reasons, but they were the only country willing to stop that genocide. Mahbubani seems to think that they should have tolerated the genocide and occasional massacres in Vietnam for no better reason than a warning from China.
- According to M. the Cultural Revolution may not have been such a bad thing because it may have contributed to destroying feudalism.
July 27, 2014
Thoroughly enjoyed reading this book. This is the first Mahbubani book I have read, but really impressed by his honest yet reflective comments on how America has benefitted yet harmed various countries in the global order.
Some key points I found interesting:
America's inaction or unwillingness to have any legal obligations led to the Rwandan genocide (800,000 dead between April - June 1994)
America's interactions with Asian countries during the AFC (Thailand and Indonesia v South Korea)
America's profound impact on numerous countries.
America's interactions with countries during and after the Cold War (Pakistan)
China's resurgence after Deng's actions to show China the life of a real average American.
America's value system (and the American Dream) and how America is the atypical society.
America's inadvertent unification of radicalised Islam.
Here are two quotes that I felt succinctly summarises his argument:
"We live in a global village but we elect only leaders who take care of our own home. We are therefore creating simultaneously a growing need for global governance while at the same time strengthening structures and processes that prevent it. This is a prescription for instability."
"It is dangerous to be the source of global ripples but to ignore their effects. Over time, those ripples may cause waves that will slap back on (American) shores."
Some key points I found interesting:
America's inaction or unwillingness to have any legal obligations led to the Rwandan genocide (800,000 dead between April - June 1994)
America's interactions with Asian countries during the AFC (Thailand and Indonesia v South Korea)
America's profound impact on numerous countries.
America's interactions with countries during and after the Cold War (Pakistan)
China's resurgence after Deng's actions to show China the life of a real average American.
America's value system (and the American Dream) and how America is the atypical society.
America's inadvertent unification of radicalised Islam.
Here are two quotes that I felt succinctly summarises his argument:
"We live in a global village but we elect only leaders who take care of our own home. We are therefore creating simultaneously a growing need for global governance while at the same time strengthening structures and processes that prevent it. This is a prescription for instability."
"It is dangerous to be the source of global ripples but to ignore their effects. Over time, those ripples may cause waves that will slap back on (American) shores."
March 23, 2013
This book will make you feel so intelligent! It's the best introduction to international affairs that I've come across, although it's really intended to explain the changes in how the rest of the world feels about America. He makes all this complicated history so simple and lucid and clear, with the utterly matter-of-fact tone of someone who knows from long experience in the UN, not someone who's just guessing or emoting.
July 14, 2007
Singaporean diplomat Mahbubani's book is a highly readable analysis of how U.S. foreign policy actions and statements play in the rest of the world. Must-read for anyone who wants to get a sense of how others view the U.S. From my perspective as a retired US diplomat, Mahbubani accurately describes what is right and what is wrong with U.S. participation in the global community.
June 8, 2012
Might have been more relevant had I read this book years ago. From what I hear a lot has changed already with the rise of the rest, as such the solutions prescribed here were not only a bit oversimplified but may no longer apply. Still worth reading for general knowledge; it has refreshed my memory of the good America brought to the world.
Read
January 17, 2016Follows a familiar pattern,
- Glorify USA
- Glorify China (What? Again? Doesn't really belong here does it. Ok, I get it so now you are indeed confirming that you are in their pay)
- Bad Mouth USA
- Lecture USA
- Glorify USA
- Glorify China (What? Again? Doesn't really belong here does it. Ok, I get it so now you are indeed confirming that you are in their pay)
- Bad Mouth USA
- Lecture USA
July 20, 2013
I read this shortly after moving to Singapore. It's an important book, and one that opens new doors to the possibility of America rebuilding trust.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews