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The Pursuit of Justice
These essays by Robert F. Kennedy grew out of speeches, travel and his experience as Attorney General and a United States Senator. This book was published in 1964 while he was alive, unlike his other books that were not published until after his death. The office of Attorney General is in many respects the hot corner of political combat. All of the "hard cases” of law enforcement, public administration and governmental services eventually find their way to his desk. lt is impossible, therefore, for an Attorney General not to have taken a position on most of the basic issues of his day. And it is impossible to conceive of a time when all parties interested in the stakes of government could be pleased with a decision, or a non-decision-of the man who holds the office. As a consequence, few posts in government share such public attention as that of the Attorney General. When the holder of the office is also a member of the innermost governing circle, public attention turns to fascination. Such a situation must be blood-curdling for the incumbent because the fascination is not of the passive and pleasant sort of engagement associated with the best television programs. The Attorney General is taken every way but lightly. This volume contains twelve essays or "position papers" dealing with those problems with which one such Attorney General was most occupied and preoccupied during his issue-1aden three years and nine months of service. During that time the United States faced many major crises at home and abroad and, for better or worse, met them. In meeting them, the Administration broke many precedents and established a few others. In so doing it gave the American people a political orientation stronger than any witnessed since the Roosevelt One Hundred Days. These essays treat many of those issues with considerable depth and clarity of argument and opinion Characteristically, it is not possible to take this book lightly, whether the subject is wiretapping, the radical right, Berlin. price-fixing, counterinsurgency, the injustices of poverty, or the dereliction of the lawyer's duties in effecting compliance of civil rights statutes. But within the wide range of subject and opinions, formal and informal there is an unmistakable unity. Professor Lowi describes it in his Editor's "In all of this there is a characteristic answer that has, perhaps, come to be taken as a Kennedy family trait. This is the confounded optimism that individual will and action can in fact set the world to rights.” The volume opens with a special chapter written by Robert F. Kennedy as a review of his years of public service and a statement of personal beliefs. The closing sentences of THE PURSUIT OF … however wise our efforts may be in unconventional diplomacy and unconventional warfare, however sensible our diversity of weapons and strategy, however great our military power and determined our counteroffensive of ideas, there is yet another obstacle to our opening to the future. That is the image of the future we project by our own example. What substance can we provide for the international hopes we can kindle? "Thus we end where we began. We must get our own house in order. We must because it is right. We must because it is might."
148 pages, Unknown Binding
First published January 1, 1964
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About the author
Robert F. Kennedy
101 books173 followersRobert Francis "Bobby" Kennedy, also called RFK, was the United States Attorney General from 1961 to 1964 and a US Senator from New York from 1965 until his assassination in 1968. He was one of US President John F. Kennedy's younger brothers, and also one of his most trusted advisors and worked closely with the president during the Cuban Missile Crisis. He also made a significant contribution to the African-American Civil Rights Movement.
After his brother's assassination in late 1963, Kennedy continued as Attorney General under President Johnson for nine months. He resigned in September 1964 and was elected to the United States Senate from New York that November. He broke with Johnson over the Vietnam War, among other issues.
After Eugene McCarthy nearly defeated Johnson in the New Hampshire Primary in early 1968, Kennedy announced his own campaign for president, seeking the nomination of the Democratic Party. Kennedy defeated McCarthy in the critical California primary but was shot shortly after midnight on June 5, 1968, dying on June 6. On June 9, President Johnson declared an official day of national mourning in response to the public grief following Kennedy's death.
His son is Robert F. Kennedy Jr..
After his brother's assassination in late 1963, Kennedy continued as Attorney General under President Johnson for nine months. He resigned in September 1964 and was elected to the United States Senate from New York that November. He broke with Johnson over the Vietnam War, among other issues.
After Eugene McCarthy nearly defeated Johnson in the New Hampshire Primary in early 1968, Kennedy announced his own campaign for president, seeking the nomination of the Democratic Party. Kennedy defeated McCarthy in the critical California primary but was shot shortly after midnight on June 5, 1968, dying on June 6. On June 9, President Johnson declared an official day of national mourning in response to the public grief following Kennedy's death.
His son is Robert F. Kennedy Jr..
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Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews
November 17, 2011
Published in 1964, this book includes speeches and articles by Robert Kennedy about the issues he faced while Attorney General. His writing is inspiring.
While we've progressed in many areas, we've fallen short in others. Kennedy's call for change still rings true today.
While we've progressed in many areas, we've fallen short in others. Kennedy's call for change still rings true today.
May 4, 2025
The Pursuit of Justice by Robert F Kennedy is a series of talks and occasional pieces presented by the author when he was Attorney General in the early 1960s. It was not intended to be a book with a thread of argument, and it clearly is not. But what it does offer is a series of snapshots of law enforcement and justice as they were delivered at the time. It also gives some interesting perspectives on policy and the pursuit of politics. On the surface, it is a volume to interest legal professionals. For the general reader, however, it goes beyond the technical and presents observations that now seem both idealistic and laudable.
One of the first changes that a modern reader will notice is Robert F. Kennedy’s use of language. For him, in that era, the word “Negro” had merely descriptive connotations and was in no way pejorative. And, when a modern reader can see past this language, it is the substance of what is written that really shocks. The following passage is telling.
“When we drafted the Civil Rights Bill in 1963, there were at least 193 counties in the United States in which less than 15 percent of the eligible Negroes were registered to vote. In Mississippi alone, this was true in seventy-four of the eighty-two counties. In thirteen Southern counties is not a single Negro had been permitted to register. In Leflore County 9,535 - or 92.8 percent - of eligible whites were registered. For Negroes, the figure was 268 - 1.9 percent. In Tallahatchie County, 4,329 – 84.8 percent - of whites were registered. For Negroes, the figure was five - less than one-tenth of one percent.”
Robert F Kennedy is describing a country where the constitution states that “all men are created equal”, and where slavery had been outlawed for a century. And yet, just over sixty years ago, birthright still was the major determinant in the apportion of life chances, especially if the person was black. “In 1963 there were still more than two thousand school districts which required white and Negro pupils to attend separate schools. In eleven of our states, with a Negro enrollment of 2.8 million, only 12,800 Negroes, or less than one half of one percent, were attending desegregated schools. At that time the figures showed that nearly 70 percent of our young white people today had graduated from high school, while only 40 percent of young Negros had done so. Of our adult population, twenty-five years of age more, 22.1 percent of the nonwhite citizens have received less than five years of schooling, compared with only 6.2 percent of the whites.” The author was a mover in tabling legislation to address this situation and he explains why this approach was a necessity for the nation’s future well-being. On reading these passages, it reminds us that there were still some in the society who fiercely resisted the change.
Today, we would label such people as extremists. But there is another passage in the book that reminds us that extremism is more about defining identities than ideologies, more about defining who is on the inside of an interest and who might be excluded. The author writes: “What is objectionable, what is dangerous, about extremists is not that they are extreme, but that they are intolerant. The evil is not what they say about their cause, but what they say about their opponents.” One wonders whether anything has in fact changed in the last 60 years.
One of the first changes that a modern reader will notice is Robert F. Kennedy’s use of language. For him, in that era, the word “Negro” had merely descriptive connotations and was in no way pejorative. And, when a modern reader can see past this language, it is the substance of what is written that really shocks. The following passage is telling.
“When we drafted the Civil Rights Bill in 1963, there were at least 193 counties in the United States in which less than 15 percent of the eligible Negroes were registered to vote. In Mississippi alone, this was true in seventy-four of the eighty-two counties. In thirteen Southern counties is not a single Negro had been permitted to register. In Leflore County 9,535 - or 92.8 percent - of eligible whites were registered. For Negroes, the figure was 268 - 1.9 percent. In Tallahatchie County, 4,329 – 84.8 percent - of whites were registered. For Negroes, the figure was five - less than one-tenth of one percent.”
Robert F Kennedy is describing a country where the constitution states that “all men are created equal”, and where slavery had been outlawed for a century. And yet, just over sixty years ago, birthright still was the major determinant in the apportion of life chances, especially if the person was black. “In 1963 there were still more than two thousand school districts which required white and Negro pupils to attend separate schools. In eleven of our states, with a Negro enrollment of 2.8 million, only 12,800 Negroes, or less than one half of one percent, were attending desegregated schools. At that time the figures showed that nearly 70 percent of our young white people today had graduated from high school, while only 40 percent of young Negros had done so. Of our adult population, twenty-five years of age more, 22.1 percent of the nonwhite citizens have received less than five years of schooling, compared with only 6.2 percent of the whites.” The author was a mover in tabling legislation to address this situation and he explains why this approach was a necessity for the nation’s future well-being. On reading these passages, it reminds us that there were still some in the society who fiercely resisted the change.
Today, we would label such people as extremists. But there is another passage in the book that reminds us that extremism is more about defining identities than ideologies, more about defining who is on the inside of an interest and who might be excluded. The author writes: “What is objectionable, what is dangerous, about extremists is not that they are extreme, but that they are intolerant. The evil is not what they say about their cause, but what they say about their opponents.” One wonders whether anything has in fact changed in the last 60 years.
April 2, 2023
Even for the time period in which he was writing his politics read progressive even by today’s standards. Refreshing to read something about justice that was written in a more optimistic tone. I didn’t agree with all of his stances yet was still able to find his moral convictions admirable.
October 19, 2015
One of those books I stumbled upon in the basement of the Temple of Justice, looking for something else entirely. Not as profoundly unsettling as the last book I stumbled over, Bill Kunstler’s Deep in my Heart (which made me cry) but still itchy. Not a deep text, but a sincere one. A book by a man of real power, justifying its use. He talks about prosecuting Jimmy Hoffa segues it nicely to the problem of power in general:
“The case heightens the awareness of the dangers of power without purpose, of power sought and used merely for the sake of power, of power as pure self-indulgence. But one can go too far in reaction and conclude that all power is evil and that no human can be so entrusted. If we really believed this, we would have to abandon social life altogether.
The real problem of power, of the concentration of power, is not its existence, because we cannot wish it away. The problem of power is how to achieve its responsible use rather than its irresponsible and indulgent use – of how to get men of power to live for the public rather than off the public.” (6).
That could be written today. As could his discussion about public defense. And his discussion of the government’s responsibility to eradiate poverty. And his discussion of the uprisings in Eastern Europe against oppressive governments. And his frank acknowledgement of the fact that “Far too often, for narrow, tactical reasons, this country has associated itself with tyrannical and unpopular regimes that had no following and no future. Over the past twenty years we have paid dearly because of support given to colonial rulers, cruel dictators or ruling cliques void of social purpose.” (136).
Though it’s hard to imagine the Attorney General of the United States writing, as he did: “I mean no criticism of prosecutors or professors or policemen on either side of this debate. But I do mean to condemn the emotional obstacles all of us have allowed to develop, obstacles which block intelligent, and perhaps even fruitful, appraisals of the problem. . . . . Wiretapping is a subject of deepest concern to me. I do not believe in it. But I also believe we must recognize that there are two sides to the argument.” (100).
A quick read. Worth the time.
“The case heightens the awareness of the dangers of power without purpose, of power sought and used merely for the sake of power, of power as pure self-indulgence. But one can go too far in reaction and conclude that all power is evil and that no human can be so entrusted. If we really believed this, we would have to abandon social life altogether.
The real problem of power, of the concentration of power, is not its existence, because we cannot wish it away. The problem of power is how to achieve its responsible use rather than its irresponsible and indulgent use – of how to get men of power to live for the public rather than off the public.” (6).
That could be written today. As could his discussion about public defense. And his discussion of the government’s responsibility to eradiate poverty. And his discussion of the uprisings in Eastern Europe against oppressive governments. And his frank acknowledgement of the fact that “Far too often, for narrow, tactical reasons, this country has associated itself with tyrannical and unpopular regimes that had no following and no future. Over the past twenty years we have paid dearly because of support given to colonial rulers, cruel dictators or ruling cliques void of social purpose.” (136).
Though it’s hard to imagine the Attorney General of the United States writing, as he did: “I mean no criticism of prosecutors or professors or policemen on either side of this debate. But I do mean to condemn the emotional obstacles all of us have allowed to develop, obstacles which block intelligent, and perhaps even fruitful, appraisals of the problem. . . . . Wiretapping is a subject of deepest concern to me. I do not believe in it. But I also believe we must recognize that there are two sides to the argument.” (100).
A quick read. Worth the time.
December 23, 2022
It is amazing how much of the book applies today. With the exception of some dated material, and knowing that Robert Kennedy has been dead for decades. One could believe this book was written today.
Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews