Jointly written by five leading voices on the topic, this book looks at the contentious issue of antisemitism in the Labour Party today, and sets out ways of addressing the problem while maintaining the integrity of the organisation. The first part of the book includes original material on public beliefs about antisemitism in the Labour Party, and the kinds of problems this poses regarding voting intentions and demoralization of the membership. The writers then investigate the institutional problems and policy decisions that prevented a coherent and well-planned response from the party, and how Labour can rectify this today. The book progresses to explore in depth the coverage of the issue in mainstream media outlets, and the partial accounts presented to the public. The writers focus on the debates around the IHRA definition, and the accusations made against David Miller which were eventually dismissed and set an important precedent. At the end of the book, Mike Berry provides a helpful chronological account of the arguments surrounding this issue from the beginning of Corbyn's leadership to the present.
Greg Philo is a Professor at Glasgow University, and Research Director of the Glasgow Media Group. He is the author with David Miller of Market Killing (2000) and with Mike Berry of Bad News from Israel (Pluto Press, 2004).
I was really looking forward to this book ‘Bad News for Labour. Antisemitism, the party and public believe’ (Puto 2019) after having heard about it from one of its authors at a discussion on the margins of the 2019 Labour Conference. Apparently, the book launch in Brighton was cancelled last minute (…) and you won’t find much of a review in the mainstream media.
The reason for that is quite clear. The book examines with a fair amount of academic rigor the across-the-board failure of the media to challenge the narrative that Labour is ‘riddled with antisemitism’ and finds evidence of systematic misreporting, interestingly in some instances much more so by the Guardian than the tabloids. I don’t need to go into the geopolitics of this. It seems quite evident that levels of antisemitism among members of the Labour Party are the same as among other groups of the British public. Obviously, anti-Semitism and racisms more broadly are on the rise across Europe and need to be fought, especially within a socialist party. However, this debate, which really took off with Corbyn becoming the leader of the Labour Party in 2015, is being used by the political opposition (inside and outside of the party) to get rid of Corbyn and move the party back to the centre. This is also a means to silence left-wing criticism of Israel and to ‘force’ the party into adopting a definition of anti-Semitism that would include unconditional support for Israel. This is not a conspiracy of any sort, it’s a rather quite obvious struggle between well-established groups, those supporting the current state and politics of Israel and those who criticize the actually existing Israel for its politics vis-à-vis the Palestinians including those who believe that the Palestinians have a right to a ‘homeland’ too (and the various forms this could take on, one-state, two-state etc).
The book also includes a very useful chronology and also points to Labour’s failures in dealing with this anti-Semitism (fabricated and politicized) scandal. The book will not convince anyone who doesn’t want to be convinced but I appreciate the rigorous analysis by a group of accomplished researchers of the systematic disinformation campaign by the mainstream media in certain areas. Anyone who’s been following the mainstream media’s reporting on all things NATO and regime change, will not be surprised by the fact that reporting failures tend to privilege a particular ideological and political agenda.
Five authors have collaborated to produce this interesting review of recent allegations about the Labour Party’s response to anti Semitism. It is a fairly restrained account, steering clear of hyperbole or sensation, though as a result they leave a lot of lively and highly emotive stories for others to tell. I might complain that they sometimes fail to clearly explain elements of the story which they assume the reader will already know from other sources but then again, since I know of them, perhaps they are right about other readers, and in the age of Google it is no longer terribly difficult to research topics where required. On the other hand, if people took the trouble to check facts more often, there might be less need for this important book.
The authors incorporate a review of rising anti Semitism in Europe and the United States, associated with the emergence of extremist and often violent fascist and right wing movements. They consistently emphasise the need to confront anti Semitism in particular and racism in general and they argue that for this to be effective, it is crucial that the British Labour Party is effective in its traditional lead role. However, in recent years a campaign to depict the party and its leader as themselves ant Semitic and racist is frustrating and damaging any hope of a successful response to these developments on the right of politics. It is curious that the anger and abuse directed against Corbyn in particular is not matched by comparable anger against the right wing racist movements (including the Conservative government’s aggressive policies on migration) to which he is and always was opposed.
The book commits much of its effort to clarifying relevant concepts, starting with the definition of what is anti Semitism. They demonstrate in several different ways that there was a pretty good consensus about the meaning of anti Semitism up to the millennium, while in the new century confusion emerged over what is called New Anti Semitism, centred on attitudes towards and opinions about the state of Israel and the circumstances of Palestinians. Supporters of Israel worked to incorporate criticism of its policies and practices into the definition of anti Semitism, while opponents resisted and regarded this as a part of an ideological battle to frustrate critics of Israel and advocates for the rights of Palestinians. They look into the history and ongoing debates about the IHRA definition of anti Semitism which has become the focus of debate within the Labour Party, they debunk claims that this is a universally accepted or well established definition, demonstrate with various legal opinions that it is actually confused and unhelpful for any serious legal process, and argue for a more meaningful and practically useful alternative. They also refer to the active role of the Israeli state in promoting this definition, as part of their well established programme to protect the international reputation of the state in the face of growing criticism, pointing out that it is absurd to see this as an anti Semitic trope or a sinister conspiracy theory: it is a simple recital of publicly available information.
The book examines in detail two aspects of the 1999 Macpherson inquiry into the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence, in order to refute two key claims of advocates for the New Anti Semitism. Firstly, there is the claim that Macpherson decreed that victims of racism are entitled to decide for themselves how racism is to be defined – and hence that only Jews may define anti Semitism; this fails on several grounds. Macpherson never said this: he said instead that the police should record a crime as racist if the victim stated that they believed it to be racist, but it could not possibly follow from this that any court would find the culprit guilty purely on the grounds that the victim said so. At its limit, this would oblige courts to decide between conflicting subjective opinions of what is or is not racist, rather than appealing to a valid, legally robust definition or standard. Macpherson was advising on good practice in the administration of police records and nothing more than that.
Secondly, the Labour Party has been accused of being “institutionally anti Semitic” without the slightest attempt to justify this allegation against the definition of institutional racism introduced by Macpherson. In reality, the allegation makes little sense. It requires ingenuity to transfer the concept from its intended usage, referring to a public service failing to meet the needs of BAME citizens, to the Labour Party which is not a public service or indeed a service at all. Jews are demonstrably not disadvantaged in the Labour Party; the party’s leader before Corbyn, Ed Milliband, was openly Jewish, as was his brother and rival candidate; the number of Jewish MPs is disproportionately large; several Jewish organisations are affiliated to and active within the Labour Party, including the JLM which is explicitly established as an advocate for the state of Israel and only admits supporters of Israeli Zionism; Jewish party members are vocally active on all sides of political debate in the party while the party gives serious and disproportionate time and resources to considering and addressing any complaints of anti Semitism, not discounting either the need for nor the evidence of improvement. The suggestion of institutional discrimination against Jews in the Labour Party is just not credible and suggests a grotesque misuse of the concept.
The book reviews what is known about allegations of anti Semitism in the party and confirms what is now well known, which is that the number of valid complaints is small in proportion to the membership – concerning at most a tenth of one per cent of members - and that a large proportion of complaints, where they do indeed relate to party members at all, are motivated by political disagreements and especially the desire to suppress open and frank debate about Israel and the Palestinians. There are passionate opinions on both sides of this argument, but the need for honest debate cannot be sacrificed to convenience. The book does not press too deeply into this topic, which can easily lead to more heat than light, but rather focuses on the need for the party to address allegations head on, settle each case definitively, and then ensure that false claims are energetically refuted and rebutted, because even false allegations cause immense damage to the reputation and effectiveness of the party. At the same time, it notes that the Labour Party is not the hierarchical and centralised corporation of popular illusion, but a complex, organic and more than slightly chaotic association.
The book points out that the effective way to deal with incidents of anti Semitism has to be more sophisticated: “Disciplinary procedures are necessary of course. But primary use should be made of the methods of mediation, non-accusatory clarification through dialogue and education that does not belittle. ... This would be in line with the Chakrabarti Report, which advised dealing with some concerns without the need to set in train a formal investigation, recommending also that expulsion should only be the last resort.” [p164] The real difficulty of achieving this ideal, though, is noted. This book is not, then, seeking to add fuel to the already blazing fires surrounding the issue of anti Semitism in the Labour Party. It is seeking rather to clarify the real issues and advocate a rational and effective approach to addressing genuine problems while rebutting false allegations, in order to restore the effectiveness of the Labour Party in its lead role against racism in British society.
This is an excellent, measured account of the antisemitism issue in the Labour Party. Clear-eyed and factual, without polemic, it's the best account I've read. Greg Philo's article in particular is good. It's well worth reading if you are trying to untangle some of what happened around this issue during Corbyn and the left's leadership of the Labour Party. The second half of the book is a chronological account of events, which was more detail than I needed.
Brilliant book. Essential reading for all Labour Party members, supporters and even non-supporters as it puts into perspective the 'so called' antisemitism in the party - which is merely a campaign to destroy Jeremy Corbyn chances of getting into No.10.
In 2010, following the Lib Dems going into a coalition with the conservatives I joined the Labour Party. Too young to vote I had decided to campaign for the Lib Dems in an attempt to prevent the Tories from winning in my local constituency. In those heady days at the close of the noughties what the Lib Dems were offering was to the left and more progressive than the offer of a tired Labour party headed by the unlikeable Gordon Brown and with a decade and a half of sleaze under their belt. So to see this about face from the Lib Dems was a shock to me. Ed Miliband seemed more promising, and at least in Labour there was a chance of a more progressive politics, at least I thought. I would argue to whoever would listen on the left that they should join Labour and change it from the inside, and in 2015 I was proved right… at least so I thought, albeit briefly.
Corbyn’s time as Leader of the Opposition will be remembered very differently by different people. This book written in Corbyn’s final year as Labour leader (although they did not know that) is a brilliantly necessary investigation into the allegations of anti-Semitism that plagued Corbyn throughout his year leading the Labour Party, but particularly after he almost won the conveniently forgotten general election in 2017.
Through a series of brilliantly edited chapters this book explores the ways in which claims of disproportionate (or ‘institutional’) antisemitism emerged, the merit of these claims (there is not a huge amount) and the way they went largely unchallenged in political discourse. Throughout the work carefully sticks to empirical material showing how critics of labour were not held to the same standard of evidence as those defending the Labour party, the way reporting was disingenuous and misleading in almost all major media outlets (particularly the BBC and Guardian). Further, they highlight the way in which much of the criticism itself had antisemitic elements, for example the conflation of Judaism with Zionism. Further, the book highlights the way in which the moral panic and disproportionate focus on antisemitism in the Labour Party diverted attention from antisemitism and other forms of racism elsewhere for example antisemitism and islamophobia in the Conservative Party which evidence suggests was much higher than in Labour. Equally, as described in the Forde Report the focus, with little evidence for the scale claimed on antisemitism in the Labour Party limited the party’s ability to deal with other forms of racism.
Having very closely followed this scandal since 2015 it continually shocks me the paucity of evidence for the case of institutional antisemitism in the Labour Party and yet the way this narrative is uncritically accepted by so many in the media, in politics and in power. This book is essential reading for any interested in the accusations of antisemitism against the Labour Party in the time period. There have of course been official reports since such as the EHRC and Forde Report which back up many of the findings of the book, but this only adds to the books legitimacy as one of the authoritative texts on the period.
One wonders if a truly left-wing government of the UK is possible. If one is then it is certain that there is a lot to be learnt from the period 2015 to 2020 if we are to get there.
a lot of this was rly reasonable and well researched and then sometimes, inbetween that, it dropped whoppers like "you can't say it's discrimination that labour MPs felt compelled to leave due to anti-semitic harassment because they totally had the choice to stay and keep putting up with it" and i was just left blinking in shock lol
i would still recommend it because it's very thorough but with caveats
I reckon the first chapter can be skipped and the second skimmed if you're short on time.
Although published last year, this book details events up to the end of May 2019. It demonstrates the numerous distortions which added up to a public image of Labour as a party in which people, on average, guess that 34% of members have had complaints of anti-Semitism made against them. (The actual number is 0.1%.)
Disentangling criticism of Israel from anti-Semitism and demonstrating the dangerous effects of failing to do so when fighting anti-Semitism and other forms of racism, the authors also propose a way out.
Under Starmer, this is hard to read but still relevant: the party, while maintaining zero tolerance for any racism, must fight back more against slander. Corbyn and the left more generally have been subject to some of the most egregious misinformation in the press (remember the LSE study finding 3 in 4 newspaper stories about Corbyn represented him one-sidedly or incorrectly). Even the Guardian, supposedly an ally of the left, was awful with this. As noted in the book, it was even worse than the S*n when it came to reporting voices from both sides of the debate around anti-Israel speech being anti-Semitic. Because of this, an effective media campaign is necessary, but it also makes me wonder if it truly could manage to overcome the press. The power of massive grassroots movements to overcome misconceptions (as worked well in the Scottish referendum "Yes" campaign) is perhaps more promising.
I do believe the authors overstate their points at times. I think it would have been worth considering at greater length how and when anti-Zionism does overlap with anti-Semitism. And the focus groups they report on don't demonstrate as much as I think they would have liked them to.
But, on the whole, this is a welcome counterbalance to the chilling de-platforming of groups (including many Jewish ones) which are concerned about the politicisation of anti-Semitism. Hate crimes, including against Jews, are on the rise and the right is complicit. It's no wonder they want our attention elsewhere.
We have become so used to reading headlines about the Labour Party's apparent institutional antisemitism and rotten antisemitic ex-leader (JC) that some sober material dealing with the issue has been sorely needed. This delivers in most areas, although the focus group responses weren't that strong. Ultimately, people will see what they want to see, though, I fear, such has been the personal investment in trying to come up with a reason to hate Jeremy Corbyn and the labour party he has fashioned in the last 5 years. For anyone who has enough energy to return to this topic which seems to have vanished miraculously from the headlines with the election of Kier Starmer, this is a good book to start - the timeline of events at back was particularly helpful. Don't read before you go to bed, your annoyance at some of the characters in the book will keep you awake!
ps. makes good reading alongside the recent revelations of incompetence and complicity in attacks against the leadership in the labour party headquarters.
Evidence based. Useful timeline and extensive references. Just about the only thing I’ve read on the topic that is evidence based.
Staggeringly inept Starmer and Evans missteps can be put into some kind of context and their role in backing one side of a longstanding Jew on Jew political dispute, whilst posing as being against racism, is at least explained, if ultimately utterly indefensible.
An interesting read on the antisemitism crisis in The Labour Party. How it was created, who was behind its creation, how it could have been avoided, and the fear its creation brought to the Jewish community. Although this book confirmed what I believed was the reason the antisemitism crisis within Labour was created, it was interesting to have it broken down and explained.
Excellent study by the Glasgow Media Group of Labour's anti-semitism crisis that whilst acknowledging it as a problem that must be dealt with, demolishes many of the misunderstandings and misrepresentations around it.
Irrefutable evidence, presented very clearly but also in very dry and clunky prose. Also, lots of overlap between chapters/essays - feels a bit hastily put together.
Finally! A brilliant evidence based book investigating the facts and reality behind the headlines throughout Jeremy Corbyn's leadership. Definitely worth reading.