What do you think?
Rate this book
The New American Poverty
Examines the diverse economic changes that have occurred in the two decades, four administrations, and several recessions since President Johnson declared an all-out war on poverty
271 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1984
2 people are currently reading
145 people want to read
About the author
Michael Harrington
104 books72 followersEdward Michael Harrington was an American democratic socialist, writer, political activist, professor of political science, and radio commentator.
Early life
Harrington was born in St. Louis, Missouri. He attended St. Louis University High School, College of the Holy Cross, University of Chicago (MA in English Literature), and Yale Law School. As a young man, he was interested in both leftwing politics and Catholicism. Fittingly, he joined Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker movement, a pacifist group that advocated a radical interpretation of the Gospel. Above all else, Harrington was an intellectual. He loved arguing about culture and politics, preferably over beer, and his Jesuit education made him a fine debater and rhetorician. Harrington was an editor of The Catholic Worker from 1951 to 1953. However, Harrington became disillusioned with religion and, although he would always retain a certain affection for Catholic culture, he ultimately became an atheist.
Becoming a socialist
This estrangement from religion was accompanied by a growing interest in Marxism and a drift toward secular socialism. After leaving The Catholic Worker Harrington became a member of the Independent Socialist League, a small organization associated with the former Trotskyist leader Max Shachtman. Harrington and Shachtman believed that socialism, the promise of a just and fully democratic society, could not be realized under authoritarian Communism and they were both fiercely critical of the "bureaucratic collectivist" states in Eastern Europe and elsewhere.
Harrington became a member of Norman Thomas's Socialist Party when the SP agreed to absorb Shachtman's organization. Harrington backed the Shachtmanite realignment strategy of working within the Democratic Party rather than running candidates on a Socialist ticket.
Socialist leader
During this period Harrington wrote The Other America: Poverty in the United States, a book that had an impact on the Kennedy administration, and on Lyndon B. Johnson's subsequent War on Poverty. Harrington became a widely read intellectual and political writer. He would frequently debate noted conservatives but would also clash with the younger radicals in the New Left movements. He was present at the 1962 SDS conference that led to the creation of the Port Huron Statement, where he argued that the final draft was insufficiently anti-Communist. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. referred to Harrington as the "only responsible radical" in America, a somewhat dubious distinction among those on the political left. His high profile landed him on the master list of Nixon political opponents.
By early 1970s Shachtman's anti-Communism had become a hawkish Cold War liberalism. Shachtman and the governing faction of the Socialist Party effectively supported the Vietnam War and changed the organization's name to Social Democrats, USA. In protest Harrington led a number of Norman Thomas-era Socialists, younger activists and ex-Shachtmanites into the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee. A smaller faction associated with peace activist David McReynolds formed the Socialist Party USA.
In the early 1980s The Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee merged with the New American Movement, an organization of New Left veterans, forming Democratic Socialists of America. This organization remains the principal U.S. affiliate of the Socialist International, which includes socialist parties as diverse as the Swedish and German Social Democrats, Nicaragua's FSLN, and the British Labour Party.
Academician and public intellectual
Harrington was appointed a professor of political science at Queens College in 1972 and was designated a distinguished professor in 1988. During the 1980s he contributed commentaries to National Public Radio. Harrington died in 1989 of cancer. He was the most well-known socialist in the United States during his lifetime.
Early life
Harrington was born in St. Louis, Missouri. He attended St. Louis University High School, College of the Holy Cross, University of Chicago (MA in English Literature), and Yale Law School. As a young man, he was interested in both leftwing politics and Catholicism. Fittingly, he joined Dorothy Day's Catholic Worker movement, a pacifist group that advocated a radical interpretation of the Gospel. Above all else, Harrington was an intellectual. He loved arguing about culture and politics, preferably over beer, and his Jesuit education made him a fine debater and rhetorician. Harrington was an editor of The Catholic Worker from 1951 to 1953. However, Harrington became disillusioned with religion and, although he would always retain a certain affection for Catholic culture, he ultimately became an atheist.
Becoming a socialist
This estrangement from religion was accompanied by a growing interest in Marxism and a drift toward secular socialism. After leaving The Catholic Worker Harrington became a member of the Independent Socialist League, a small organization associated with the former Trotskyist leader Max Shachtman. Harrington and Shachtman believed that socialism, the promise of a just and fully democratic society, could not be realized under authoritarian Communism and they were both fiercely critical of the "bureaucratic collectivist" states in Eastern Europe and elsewhere.
Harrington became a member of Norman Thomas's Socialist Party when the SP agreed to absorb Shachtman's organization. Harrington backed the Shachtmanite realignment strategy of working within the Democratic Party rather than running candidates on a Socialist ticket.
Socialist leader
During this period Harrington wrote The Other America: Poverty in the United States, a book that had an impact on the Kennedy administration, and on Lyndon B. Johnson's subsequent War on Poverty. Harrington became a widely read intellectual and political writer. He would frequently debate noted conservatives but would also clash with the younger radicals in the New Left movements. He was present at the 1962 SDS conference that led to the creation of the Port Huron Statement, where he argued that the final draft was insufficiently anti-Communist. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. referred to Harrington as the "only responsible radical" in America, a somewhat dubious distinction among those on the political left. His high profile landed him on the master list of Nixon political opponents.
By early 1970s Shachtman's anti-Communism had become a hawkish Cold War liberalism. Shachtman and the governing faction of the Socialist Party effectively supported the Vietnam War and changed the organization's name to Social Democrats, USA. In protest Harrington led a number of Norman Thomas-era Socialists, younger activists and ex-Shachtmanites into the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee. A smaller faction associated with peace activist David McReynolds formed the Socialist Party USA.
In the early 1980s The Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee merged with the New American Movement, an organization of New Left veterans, forming Democratic Socialists of America. This organization remains the principal U.S. affiliate of the Socialist International, which includes socialist parties as diverse as the Swedish and German Social Democrats, Nicaragua's FSLN, and the British Labour Party.
Academician and public intellectual
Harrington was appointed a professor of political science at Queens College in 1972 and was designated a distinguished professor in 1988. During the 1980s he contributed commentaries to National Public Radio. Harrington died in 1989 of cancer. He was the most well-known socialist in the United States during his lifetime.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
October 28, 2013
Michael Harrington, that late great socialist thinker and dreamer of a better War on Poverty, explains the economic changes and structural causes behind the rise of the precarious worker and the increase in poverty after the boom post-War years. Without resorting to dogma and sectarianism, Harrington illuminates the choice that Americans are faced with: an economic system that devalues and devours human life and leaves us with greater criminality and immiseration, or visionary and proactive societal change.
Four stars instead of five through no fault of the book's own; despite its prescience, it is definitely a relic of its time and sorely needs a fresh look after 30 years. One can't help but wonder what Harrington, if he were still alive, would have to say about the spirit of these times. At times, his suggestions seem almost too unrealistic — not because I'm a believer in TINA (There Is No Alternative), but because the rightward swing of the late American empire has made these measures unimaginable without a vigorous social revolution... and that might as well aim even higher.
Four stars instead of five through no fault of the book's own; despite its prescience, it is definitely a relic of its time and sorely needs a fresh look after 30 years. One can't help but wonder what Harrington, if he were still alive, would have to say about the spirit of these times. At times, his suggestions seem almost too unrealistic — not because I'm a believer in TINA (There Is No Alternative), but because the rightward swing of the late American empire has made these measures unimaginable without a vigorous social revolution... and that might as well aim even higher.
June 26, 2017
Michael Harrington was a highly respected activist/author who first gained notoriety with his tome titled, The Other America. That publication allowed him to help shape LBJ's war on poverty. The book, The New American Poverty, was not a true follow-up to his groundbreaking book but was hopeful look at poverty in the mid-1980s.
He effectively argues that the best way to erase poverty is through meaningful, gainful employment. The kind of employment that gives dignity to the worker. He points out the underpinnings of poverty: racism and greed- that presently seem to run rampant in parts of the US.
Poverty and racism (bigotry) go hand-in-hand --
I am sure, if he were still alive, would argue in favor of another War on Poverty - and point out how to better approach it this time around. In my rather hopeful opinion-- we can beat poverty but it will take work. It is the kind of work that we know how to approach but have somehow lost our way. It is still there-- and not completely lost. I do recommend the book. -- Very much so!
He effectively argues that the best way to erase poverty is through meaningful, gainful employment. The kind of employment that gives dignity to the worker. He points out the underpinnings of poverty: racism and greed- that presently seem to run rampant in parts of the US.
Poverty and racism (bigotry) go hand-in-hand --
I am sure, if he were still alive, would argue in favor of another War on Poverty - and point out how to better approach it this time around. In my rather hopeful opinion-- we can beat poverty but it will take work. It is the kind of work that we know how to approach but have somehow lost our way. It is still there-- and not completely lost. I do recommend the book. -- Very much so!
December 31, 2023
3 stars mainly because many parts of this book, while relevant, are dated when it comes to facts and focus. I felt it rambled and tried to cover too many topics. While a lot of the ideas in the book are great it is clearly a Reagan era defense of the welfare state
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews