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Hindutv-Mukt Bharat: Dalit-Bahujan, Samajik-Aadhyatmik aur Vaigyanik Kranti Par Manthan
"Kancha Ilaiah, the author of the best selling book Why I am Not a Hindu, pens a thought-provoking critique of Brahmanism and the caste system in India, while anticipating the death of Hinduism as a direct consequence of, what he says is, its anti-scientific and anti-nationalistic stand.
This work challenges Hinduism`s interpretation of history, with a virulent attack on caste politics, and also takes a refreshing look at the necessity of encouraging indigenous scientific thought for the sake of national progress. It establishes Hinduism as a `backward` religion that suppresses the latent scientific and productive potential of the Dalit–Bahujan communities. The author says this oppressive system of spiritual fascism is detrimental to both the future of religion and the nation-state. He thus criticizes the idea of spiritual justice or varnadharma, used to justify the caste system, as rooted in spiritual inequality.
On a micro-analytical level, it is based on a thorough study of the productive knowledge systems of the Dalit–Bahujan communities of Andhra Pradesh, and provides a detailed day-to-day analysis of the scientific technological processes and events at work in the life of a member of these communities. On a macro level, it shows how Hinduism fails to negotiate between faith and reason, unlike other major religions of the world.
Kancha Ilaiah critiques the intellectual imagination of the dominant communities and inspires the marginalized. In the process of doing so he crafts a work of immense socio-political interest which appeals to academics, and also to all those who are concerned about contemporary India`s polity and social fabric."
This work challenges Hinduism`s interpretation of history, with a virulent attack on caste politics, and also takes a refreshing look at the necessity of encouraging indigenous scientific thought for the sake of national progress. It establishes Hinduism as a `backward` religion that suppresses the latent scientific and productive potential of the Dalit–Bahujan communities. The author says this oppressive system of spiritual fascism is detrimental to both the future of religion and the nation-state. He thus criticizes the idea of spiritual justice or varnadharma, used to justify the caste system, as rooted in spiritual inequality.
On a micro-analytical level, it is based on a thorough study of the productive knowledge systems of the Dalit–Bahujan communities of Andhra Pradesh, and provides a detailed day-to-day analysis of the scientific technological processes and events at work in the life of a member of these communities. On a macro level, it shows how Hinduism fails to negotiate between faith and reason, unlike other major religions of the world.
Kancha Ilaiah critiques the intellectual imagination of the dominant communities and inspires the marginalized. In the process of doing so he crafts a work of immense socio-political interest which appeals to academics, and also to all those who are concerned about contemporary India`s polity and social fabric."
326 pages, Kindle Edition
First published November 17, 2009
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About the author
Kancha Ilaiah
16 books100 followersKancha Ilaiah (5 October 1952) is an Indian activist and writer. His books include Why I am not a Hindu, God As Political Philosopher: Budha's challenge to Brahminism, A Hollow Shell, The State and Repressive Culture, Manatatwam (in Telugu), and Buffalo Nationalism: A Critique of Spiritual Fascism. He is a member of the Dalit Freedom Network and a major figure in the movement against the Hindu Caste System.
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Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews
July 1, 2014
Under developed minds of Hindutva have made India an intellectually suffocating nation by spreading spiritual fascism.
Now obviously, many Hindu zealots would be happy to insult under the pretense of nationalism or read it in bad taste, but not one so called homicidal Indian goon stands up for freedom, social justice, liberty, contrary opinion, gay rights, women rights, the rights of farmers and interests of rural areas.
Author rightly pointed out, "Indian scientific community has survived on modern since begged and borrowed from other countries. And Hindus keep masses under an Iron fist of superstition. Oral literature is an illiterate mode of propagating the knowledge that Hinduism has based its authenticity on"
It cannot be denied that we all are responsible for this bankrupt state of creative freedom in India because these religious groups survives on silence of productive masses.
Now obviously, many Hindu zealots would be happy to insult under the pretense of nationalism or read it in bad taste, but not one so called homicidal Indian goon stands up for freedom, social justice, liberty, contrary opinion, gay rights, women rights, the rights of farmers and interests of rural areas.
Author rightly pointed out, "Indian scientific community has survived on modern since begged and borrowed from other countries. And Hindus keep masses under an Iron fist of superstition. Oral literature is an illiterate mode of propagating the knowledge that Hinduism has based its authenticity on"
It cannot be denied that we all are responsible for this bankrupt state of creative freedom in India because these religious groups survives on silence of productive masses.
May 15, 2020
This book took me a long time to read probably because of the author's penchant for reiteration. The book paints a radically different account of Indian society vis-a-vis its caste relations. It educates the reader about the massive contributions that the productive, oppressed communities have made towards the building of this "Indian" civilisation. The author takes us on a virtual tour of the Indian village by tracing the histories, lives and productive processes of each caste beginning from the forest/mountain-dwellers (Adivasis) to the Brahmins, whom the author refers to as 'spiritual fascists'. In this short review, I would try to think aloud about two core ideas that the author proposes to destroy casteism and establish a functional, egalitarian society. I am not qualified for this discussion and I will certainly keep learning to improve on my thoughts regarding Prof.Kancha's ideas. I am just expressing my doubts here.
- Prof. Kancha talks about the inevitability of civil war and he considers the post-Mandal riots and the 2006 anti-reservation riots to be ominous signs of the impending civil war between the Bahujans and the Upper Castes. To begin with, I think this is largely not feasible because of the lack of unity amongst the Bahujan masses. It will take enormous organisational and political effort to make all Bahujans realise the need to be united in their fight against Brahmanism and Prof. Kancha does not talk about how this unity needs to be forged. He believes that such unity will be created by the Spiritual Democracy that Islam, Christianity and Buddhism provide. While he acknowledges that the Indian nation-state was constructed by the Brahmin/Baniyas for their own interests, he does not foresee the break up of the Indian state into different autonomous nations which will find their own unique tools to dismantle the Brahmanical institutions that will persist independently of the Brahmin-Baniya nation-state.
- Secondly, he stresses the need for the adoption of an egalitarian religion to annihilate caste. He calls it spiritual democracy. He believes that conversion to Islam, Christianity or Buddhism will pave the way for the establishment of a nation that is spiritually democratic and that it will eventually end the inequities found under Hinduism. Regarding this, he does not address the prevalence and persistence of caste within these theologically egalitarian religions. He also does not pick one religion, unlike Ambedkar who chose Buddhism because of it's rational, humanistic, unifying theology. The role of atheism as a possible means to break out of Hinduism is not examined either. While I do consider atheism to be impractical as a political strategy to unify the Bahujan masses, it certainly deserves to be examined in this context. He also points out the importance of congregating in the name of religion - a feature that is non-existent in Brahmanism/Hinduism. While building a congregation is important, why should it be a religious one? Is it impossible to build a congregation that is based on the politics of liberation that Ambedkar and Periyar have shown us? Can we not expend our energies on building a political front that also doubles up as a congregational family?
These are some questions that need clarification. With further reading and thinking, I hope to gain more clarity on these issues. Apart from these concerns, I found the books to be educational and revelatory in many respects. Mr Kancha unambiguously exposes the modus operandi employed by the Brahmin-Baniya-Upper Caste combine to exploit the labour of the productive masses. He touches on a host of related issues and with the use of steadfast reiteration, he drives his point home. Must read for anyone who is interested in understanding the workings of caste and how it shall be destroyed.
- Prof. Kancha talks about the inevitability of civil war and he considers the post-Mandal riots and the 2006 anti-reservation riots to be ominous signs of the impending civil war between the Bahujans and the Upper Castes. To begin with, I think this is largely not feasible because of the lack of unity amongst the Bahujan masses. It will take enormous organisational and political effort to make all Bahujans realise the need to be united in their fight against Brahmanism and Prof. Kancha does not talk about how this unity needs to be forged. He believes that such unity will be created by the Spiritual Democracy that Islam, Christianity and Buddhism provide. While he acknowledges that the Indian nation-state was constructed by the Brahmin/Baniyas for their own interests, he does not foresee the break up of the Indian state into different autonomous nations which will find their own unique tools to dismantle the Brahmanical institutions that will persist independently of the Brahmin-Baniya nation-state.
- Secondly, he stresses the need for the adoption of an egalitarian religion to annihilate caste. He calls it spiritual democracy. He believes that conversion to Islam, Christianity or Buddhism will pave the way for the establishment of a nation that is spiritually democratic and that it will eventually end the inequities found under Hinduism. Regarding this, he does not address the prevalence and persistence of caste within these theologically egalitarian religions. He also does not pick one religion, unlike Ambedkar who chose Buddhism because of it's rational, humanistic, unifying theology. The role of atheism as a possible means to break out of Hinduism is not examined either. While I do consider atheism to be impractical as a political strategy to unify the Bahujan masses, it certainly deserves to be examined in this context. He also points out the importance of congregating in the name of religion - a feature that is non-existent in Brahmanism/Hinduism. While building a congregation is important, why should it be a religious one? Is it impossible to build a congregation that is based on the politics of liberation that Ambedkar and Periyar have shown us? Can we not expend our energies on building a political front that also doubles up as a congregational family?
These are some questions that need clarification. With further reading and thinking, I hope to gain more clarity on these issues. Apart from these concerns, I found the books to be educational and revelatory in many respects. Mr Kancha unambiguously exposes the modus operandi employed by the Brahmin-Baniya-Upper Caste combine to exploit the labour of the productive masses. He touches on a host of related issues and with the use of steadfast reiteration, he drives his point home. Must read for anyone who is interested in understanding the workings of caste and how it shall be destroyed.
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April 14, 2016Thumbs down. Reads like a harangue, not a carefully-presented, tightly-argued case. Disappointing!
April 23, 2021
The book gives a new perspective on the Indian society, economy, culture, lack of development, and the struggles faced by the Dalits and people of lower caste. The view points are exciting and thought provoking, however some of the chapters are redundant with repetitive examples. Arguments on lack/delayed of industrial revolution in India, spiritual fascism are interesting.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
March 11, 2022
There are just five stars. I did not even like to finish reading. Each and every section is so political. Wonderful.
Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews