الدولة التي يتحدث عنها بورديو في دروسه هذه هي الدولة الغربية، ذات خصوصية في نشأتها وتطورها، لكنها باتت تتخذ صفة الكونية، أو صفة الكلي الجامع. وهي لم تتخذ هذه الصفة الجامعة تلقائيًا، بل بالعنف أساسًا. فالدولة هي احتكارٌ للعنف المادي والرمزي أو الاعتباري. وهذا الاحتكار يملكه محتكر، والمحتكِر هو مَلِكٌ أو سلالة ملكية أو طبقة. ولعلماء اجتماع الدولة مثالان كلاسيكيان تقليديان، كلاهما أوروبي، في ما يخص هذا الموضوع، ومنهما تتوسع الدراسات لتشمل أممًا أوروبية أخرى (ممن تقلدتهما في الغالب)، فبحسب بورديو ما خلَّفه الاستعمار، بات ميراثنا، نرثه ويرثنا. هذه الدول، صارت إذًا دولنا و قَدَرَنا وباختصار مهما قال بورديو عن الدولة، سوسيولوجيًا، فثمة في كلامه ما هو ماورائي، باعتباره الدولة "كيانًا لاهوتيًا"..
Bourdieu pioneered investigative frameworks and terminologies such as cultural, social, and symbolic capital, and the concepts of habitus, field or location, and symbolic violence to reveal the dynamics of power relations in social life. His work emphasized the role of practice and embodiment or forms in social dynamics and worldview construction, often in opposition to universalized Western philosophical traditions. He built upon the theories of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Edmund Husserl, Georges Canguilhem, Karl Marx, Gaston Bachelard, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, Erwin Panofsky, and Marcel Mauss. A notable influence on Bourdieu was Blaise Pascal, after whom Bourdieu titled his Pascalian Meditations.
Bourdieu rejected the idea of the intellectual "prophet", or the "total intellectual", as embodied by Sartre. His best known book is Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, in which he argues that judgments of taste are related to social position. His argument is put forward by an original combination of social theory and data from surveys, photographs and interviews, in an attempt to reconcile difficulties such as how to understand the subject within objective structures. In the process, he tried to reconcile the influences of both external social structures and subjective experience on the individual (see structure and agency).
Sempre que me debruço sobre Bourdieu chego à mesma conclusão: se foi cedo demais. E essa série de aulas é prova definitiva de quão inteligente e complexo (sem tender ao complicado) o pensamento (sempre em movimento, diga-se de passagem) de Pierre Bourdieu sempre foi. Sobre o Estado é mais do que uma coleção de palestras, é uma chance de espiar o que ainda poderia ser caso o sociólogo ainda estivesse vivo.
Mise à l’écrit des cours prononcés par Bourdieu au Collège de France entre 1989 et 1992, portant sur le large thème de l’État, ce livre est une mine d’or sociologique — bien que la lecture soit (très) longue.
Il permet de saisir la pensée bourdieusienne dans sa profondeur : pour analyser, selon la méthode génétique, le processus d’émergence et de construction de l’État — comme principe de production d’une vision légitime sur le monde social (par l’inculcation de schèmes de vision et de division), qui s’appuie sur un monopole de la violence physique (cf. Weber) et, surtout, symbolique légitimes — il mobilise un grand nombre de ses travaux antérieurs et de ses recherches en cours et éclaircit les grandes notions sur lesquelles repose toute son œuvre — champ, illusio, habitus, etc. Ses analyses font appel à un nombre impressionant de travaux issus de multiples disciplines, et en particulier de l’histoire, qu’il mobilise de façon critique, en y accoudant des réflexions et remarques épistémologiques particulièrement pertinentes et intéressantes, qui aident à saisir la façon dont la sociologie pose les questions, construit les objets de recherche et les modes d’enquête, et comment elle élabore des réponses.
De plus, étant une mise à l’écrit d’un cours prononcé au Collège de France — donc devant un public où se trouvent des non-spécialistes —, il est relativement plus accessibles que d’autres textes plus rudes et ésotériques.
These lectures delivered over 3 years at the College de France expose the state - and our abiding belief in it - as a 400-year old political fiction brought to life by its many agents through their collective acts done in the name of the state. If this sounds tautological, it is - the state exists because we act as if it does. Its power is dispersed through rituals and routines that may seem innocuous or inevitable - the calendar, geography, spelling, licenses, disciplines taught in school as discrete knowledges, housing practices, taxes - but that make its subjects serve it and those who have access to its symbolic capital. To read the state at this level (where it is brought into being in both long range and intimate day to day ways) requires Weber, Marx and Durkheim to bear.
Bourdieu is a brilliant thinker, but a mediocre rhetorician. Most annoying are his slanderous remarks about Marxism. He caricatures the ideas of Marx to make his own seem more original. Classic example: he claims that the ideas of lawyers are products of their material struggle about power and influence, but you should not use the base/superstructure model to analyze this! (For the uninitiated: what Bourdieu describes here is an excellent illustration of the base/superstructure model, where the superstructure (culture, ideas, institutions) are constructed over a material base.)
While criticizing the conventional approaches to state including Weberian, institutional and particularly Marxist approaches; Bourdieu mainly addresses the ways of analysing the state and suggests an ethno- methodological approach as a way to analyse this “unthinkable object”. At least you have to ask anthropological, ethno methodological questions together with the global questions to have adequate questions on the state (p.171). State is primarily a legitimator.