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204 pages, Kindle Edition
First published October 8, 2015
Bol, yeh thoda waqt bahut haiThis book, presented by Romila Thapar and comprising of essays by her and others, begins with this poem by the revolutionary poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz: appropriately, because it is about saying what needs to be said – fearlessly. A tall task for many in India today, when intellectuals are attacked and even murdered for their views.
Jism o zaban ki maut se pahle
Bol, ke sach zinda hai ab tak
Bol, jo kucch kahna hai kah le
(Speak, this brief time is ample
Before the dying of the body and tongue
Speak, for truth still lives
Speak, to say what needs to be said)
Religion and politics are now seemingly deeply entwined, although more often than not, the root cause for disruptive behaviour is not hurt religious sentiment, as is claimed, but a bid to assert power and control over some crucial aspect of civil society.To that end, the colonial view of India as that of a monolithic Hinduism versus a monolithic Islam is being promoted by the people who claim, ironically, to be fighting against ‘colonial falsehoods’. Any dissenting view – whether in the field of sociology, history, science, literature and whatnot – is violently reacted against.
The demand for burning and pulping books continues apace, together with the virulent abuse of the authors wherever possible and more so in the social media. The abuse is louder when it comes from those who proudly claim not to have read the books they are condemning. And this is generally the case. Publishers have begun to seek legal opinion before publishing a book. The laws of blasphemy are probably not far behind. Films and documentaries are banned or threatened with banning, or they are censored for little reason.In such a situation, what is worrying is not that the intellectuals don’t speak out – they do – but “the critical mass that is required for public debate to become essential to our civic life is not as large as it needs to be”. That is, the debates are not loud or penetrating enough. And according to Romila Thapar, “Democracy without its complement of secular thinking falls short of being a democracy. Secular thinking has to induct degrees of rationality and logic, as philosophical ways of thinking... Let me reiterate that a democracy ceases to be so if it is governed by permanent majoritarian identities of any kind.”
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Intellectual differences are now being settled via assassination, as happened with Narendra Dabholkar and Govind Pansare, or with death threats. Terror can also be associated with the agencies of the state, claiming to protect citizens. Worse can come from fellow citizens motivated by extremist ideologies. This lies at the root of the politics of communal riots.
The fundamental catalyst for the public intellectual (and this was the title of the lecture on which this book is based), from the outset, was derived from the following principle: To question or not to question? That is the question. Once that question was answered satisfactorily, everything else followed. It is a principle that remains relevant to the present day.Thapar’s answer is, of course, to question – and she draws upon enlightenment history and our own argumentative past, and the relative liberalism of the Nehruvian era, to highlight the importance debate to a vibrant society. She bemoans the shrinking of the liberal space, as well as the declining standards of education, and historical and scientific research – all the result, apparently, of reducing the national narrative to one narrow stream of thought. In this scenario, intellectuals simply not doing enough.
We are not bereft of people who can think autonomously and intelligently and ask relevant questions. But frequently where there should be voices, there is silence. Are we all being co-opted too easily by the comforts of conforming? Are we fearful of the retribution that questioning may and often does bring? How can we create the independent space that will encourage us to think, and to think together?To Question and Not to Question: That is the Answer
Scientific enquiry is based on the possibility of questioning while at the same time not questioning. This is what distinguishes it from scepticism. Scientific questioning occurs largely within paradigms, theories, models and an established framework.Anyone who just questions everything is a mere sceptic – even though he too is important in a debate, the intellectual who questions from the firmament of a basic framework is more effective in arriving at a solution. Sarukkai stresses the importance of the ‘maybe’, also, in addition to the ‘yes’ and the ‘no’ as the obvious answers of questions. But to ask any question, however, the intellectual has to be one hundred percent honest with himself – and relentlessly question one’s own biases. In addition to this, he has to “imagine the other”: that is, try to stand in the shoes of the one with whom he is debating.
Finally, we need to distinguish between two ways of engaging with the other: through questioning the other and through imagining the other. Both these ways of perceiving and engaging with the other are extremely important in public discourse... More than ‘knowing’ the other, which critical questioning might enable, imagining the other leads to ‘understanding’ the other... Thus, I would interpret Thapar’s point about the need for public intellectuals as being equivalent to a call for cultivating certain kinds of habits. And the two habits that are essential are those of questioning the other and imagining the other. Once these modes become habits, then social and public discourse will automatically change.This seems solid advice worth taking.
This means that when the public intellectual intervenes in the public sphere he or she has to allow one persona to be dominant over the other. This point at which one persona yields to the other, the ‘tipping point’, needs to be understood.DeSouza analyses why intellectuals remain quiet, and what it means for Indian politics. After looking at three intellectuals and their travails, he lists out four factors which prevents them from speaking out: “(i) public authority, (ii) social groups, (iii) one’s peer community, and (iv) the self.”
Perhaps the only sensible course for the public intellectual today is to work for a sound strategy to blend Ambedkar’s fight for the annihilation of caste with the overarching liberal struggle for social justice. It is probably the only worthwhile way for India to keep its tryst with the promise of secularism, democracy, gender and social equality.He has a valid point – though I suspect whether all of India’s ills can be reduced to this one issue.