Burn's 1998 book remains the most substantial 'myth-busting' account of the Brisbane Line controversy. A book that focuses on the politics and is inherently political, it still serves as an important and under-appreciated contribution to understanding Australia in the Second World War.
Burns sets out to show that the Brisbane Line (the idea the northern half of Australia would be abandoned infront of a Japanese invasion, with the defence mounted north of Brisbane) never existed. In this he completely succeeds. Through a thorough review of both the defence files and attitudes of military and political leaders from the 1930s to 1940s, he shows there was no such plan. This is important, given many Australians still believe there was such a goal.
Yet the clear, if often undesired impression given by Burns' thorough account, is that Australia's north really could not be defended or adequately re-enforced. The most sensible policy was that given Australia's limited resources in troops and equipment, the key was concentration of forces to protect the South East of the continent. If Darwin was captured, the country could fight on. That would be much less likely if Sydney and the major industrial ports of Newcastle and Wollongong were claimed. So there was no specific Brisbane line, but the military logic that Australia would not be able to defend the north, and would focus on the south was very real.
Burns tells that tale, but is slightly circumspect in doing so because he has a clear ambition throughout the book to exonerate the Menzies government. He is right to show the dishonest partisanship that drove Eddie Ward to first raise the allegations. Yet he shies away from engaging with the recognition that the military and political leaders were forced to make a difficult judgement because far too little had been done in the 1930s to prepare the country for war.
Burns ardently wants to share any blame for this situation with Labor, reveling in the chance to show its support (through the Advisory War Council) and its continuation of this military logic once in government. This is an important part of the story, though often pushed too far, such as the absurd claim that 'Conservative parties could be blamed for Australian defence preparedness...during WW2 only because they were in office for eighteen of the twenty inter-war years' (p.19).
Well, yes.
This distortion aside, this is a detailed, thoughtful and valuable book. It shows the way the political and military logic can diverge. It explodes one major myth from Australia's experience in the Second World War, while demonstrating a significant civil-military crisis that directly affected how the war was conceived and fought.