Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention

Problems of International Politics

by Severine Autesserre

- Winner of the 2016 Best Book of the Year Award, International Studies Association
- Winner of the 2015 Yale H. Ferguson Award, International Studies Association
- Honorable mention, 2015 Chadwick F. Alger Prize, International Studies Association
- Honorable mention, 2014 Book of the Year, African Arguments

This book suggests a new explanation for why international peace interventions often fail to reach their full potential. Based on several years of ethnographic research in conflict zones around the world, it demonstrates that everyday elements - such as the expatriates' social habits and usual approaches to understanding their areas of operation - strongly influence peacebuilding effectiveness. Individuals from all over the world and all walks of life share numerous practices, habits, and narratives when they serve as interveners in conflict zones. These common attitudes and actions enable foreign peacebuilders to function in the field, but they also result in unintended consequences that thwart international efforts. Certain expatriates follow alternative modes of thinking and acting, often with notable results, but they remain in the minority. Through an in-depth analysis of the interveners' everyday life and work, this book proposes innovative ways to better help host populations build a sustainable peace.

Genres: Nonfiction, Politics, School, Political Science, International Development, Read For School, Africa

344 pages, Paperback

First published April 30, 2014

About the author

Séverine Autesserre is an award-winning author, peacebuilder, and researcher, as well as a Professor of Political Science at Barnard College, Columbia University. She is the author of the books The Trouble with the Congo , Peaceland , and The Frontlines of Peace , in addition to articles for publications such as The New York Times, The Washington Post, Foreign Affairs, and Foreign Policy.

Autesserre has been involved intimately in the world of international aid for more than twenty years. She has conducted research in twelve different conflict zones, from Colombia to Somalia to Israel and the Palestinian territories. She has worked for Doctors Without Borders in places like Afghanistan and Congo, and at the United Nations headquarters in the United States. Her research has helped shape the intervention strategies of several United Nations departments, foreign affairs ministries, and non-governmental organizations, as well as numerous philanthropists and activists. She has also been a featured speaker at the World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates and the U.S. House of Representatives.

Reviews

[Tinea · Rating 4 out of 5]

I do not know how to rate this book! Is it 5 stars because of the seriousness with which the author takes praxis ("the process by which a theory, lesson, or skill is enacted, embodied, or realised")? Or is it 3 stars because "thou dost protest too much"-- so much overwhelmingly documented data to prove the smallest of points already made by many others (individual behavior by staff at the implementation level will make or break a peace process, regardless of how well crafted)? Why not push, go further, take action, if you've got the data, then sweep your conclusions!

I almost never say this, because I hatehatehate poorly sourced work. But Autesserre meticulously researched, qualified, and triangulated every statement and thoroughly documented every method, error, and pathway to a conclusion. I shut the book almost shouting, "When you've got the goods, use them!" The final conclusions and recommendations were so limited that the entire project risks being forgotten in the annals of useless academic theoretical criticism: establish cultural orientations for new staff; use acceptance as the preferred security strategy; ensure foreign military peacekeepers have translators; recruit more people with local experience or anthropological technical skills. I docked a star for the wimpiness with which this much strong, conclusive, indisputable data was wielded.

Frustrations aside, Autesserre wrote a good book. An important book. A book that deconstructs elitism in aid work at the moment of daily life interactions. She dares to question the safety in bunkerization and #CompoundLife at the historical moment when kidnappings and targeted attacks on aid workers risk creating indivisible barriers to expat-national-local interaction. She questions the epistemological value of technical knowledge in place of local and anthropological knowledge, and makes a concrete case for the latter's value, and how NGOs can restructure their institutions to gain and support it. She talks about how things like language and wealth inequality prevent social interaction between expats and communities in which they work, and internally divide NGO staff into classes. I've written about this a little: besides the class gap between high-paid international staff and the national staff and people we work with/for, there is also a tendency for the intl staff to be of a wealthier class background than most people in the country they come from. There’s not a lot of ‘solidarity not charity’ in NGOs because it’s an elitist field; few people link the poverty they see abroad with poverty and economic injustice at home.

Then Autesserre slams the lack of social interaction and professional networking as a barrier to the ostensible goals of peacebuilding, demonstrating how little "participation" local actors have in processes that are centered around and respond to the cultural needs of elite, rich, foreign, technical experts who operate in closed feedback loops with each other. Autesserre is clear: while there is value in independent actors and external expertise in a peace process, the mechanism must adapt to local context so that is is comfortable for and makes sense to--and is led by-- the people for whom the process exists! She touches on the need to engage civil society instead of just government elites, as well as many other important points, and uses case studies to give concrete examples.

This was a hard book to read! I am an aid worker in a conflict zone based in a rural outpost doing the on-the-ground, moment-of-implementation, relational, interactive, kind-of-sometimes-dangerous business of daily life peace-building. Autesserre was callin me out, and some of what she said was hard to hear. Yes, I hate bunkerization and I push myself to walk, push against curfews and living in compounds. I go out and talk to farmers a lot. I have close professional relationships with a local NGO with whom I work alongside. But also, sometimes I am tired and want to surround myself with English. Also, sometimes I am scared of being kidnapped, or scared of being street harassed by fearless and mean 12 year olds. Sometimes I work 10 hours days without weekends for a few weeks, and all I want is Buffy time in my concrete box. I made a decision that's part "too tired because my work is already in a 2nd language," part "have learned the beginnings of too many languages to commit," part "don't want to show bias by speaking one local language over another," and I haven't learned any Sango or Mbaya or Pular.

There is a lot of power in the choices I make, in this position, because I am tired or because I am ignorant and that is what Autesserre examines.

And it is so, so necessary. Autesserre: pull no more punches, what you've got is gold. We need to run with this.

See also reviews by:
- Wronging Rights
- African Arguments

For a different take on similar themes, check out:
- Direct Action: An Ethnography by David Graeber, which uses similar ethnographic approaches to examine US radical activists (I love the idea of anthropologists turning their trained lens on their own communities, as Autesserre does as a former aid worker)
- Anything by Robert Chambers, particularly Whose Reality Counts?: Putting the First Last, another exmaination of the aid worker's flaws, on recentering aid and development work around the cultural norms of the most marginalized so it becomes accessible and controlled by those aid aims to help

[Wim · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a very insightful and nuanced book on the problematic aspects of international interventions, that remind of colonial attitudes and behaviors and that impede effective implementation and results. Though Autesserre focusses on peacebuilding in conflict zones (in a large sense, including peacekeeping, conflict prevention, mediation, etc. by military forces, diplomats, UN and NGOs), her findings are also relevant to other international interventions, such as humanitarian assistance and development projects.

Autesserre rightfully underlines the need for international intervention, and gives a whole range of recommandations to overcome the problematic aspects of Peaceland, such as valuing the knowledge of the local context, putting local employees and counterparts in the driver's seat, allowing for more and real participation of local populations, promoting professional and social interactions between expats and 'locals', and allowing for more long term programming.

I also appreciated the parts on security management and how the climate of fear among interveners and the bunkerization approach are mutually reinforcing each other. I will certainly explore the proposed alternative, the acceptance approach.

Lots of references are made to the CDA collaborative learning projects of which Time to Listen: on the Receiving End of International Aid is still waiting on my shelves to be read.

Already looking forward to read Severine Autesserre's new book The Frontlines of Peace: An Insider's Guide to Changing the World.

[Ed · Rating 5 out of 5]

Thinking about peacebuilding, the subject of “Peaceland”, Séverine Autesserre’s new book, makes it hard to imagine that such an endeavor could ever work well enough to be critiqued. There are the operational difficulties inherent in coordinating varied participants, some of whom had been recently trying to kill others in the group, conflicting goals among local stakeholders, pressure from outside sources pursuing their own agendas and the presence of not quite disarmed or demobilized groups on the fringe of the action. Tribal, ethnic, linguistic and religious antagonism among groups of people combined with competition for resources and histories of domination of one group over another seems to make long-term or even limited peace impossible.

But dedicated people still set out from the United Nations, the International Rescue Committee, Catholic Relief Service and myriad other organizations in order to help countries recover after they have experienced mass slaughter, marauding armies, mob violence and the atrocities that accompany internecine warfare.

Séverine Autesserre defines peacebuilding “to include any and all elements identified by local and international stakeholders as attempts to create, strengthen, and solidify peace...thus encompasses the various elements of the security, socioeconomic and political dimensions that scholars study.” This includes work from immediate post-conflict situations where peacebuilders work alongside peacekeepers to demobilize combatants and help them reintegrate into society by preventing the resumption of violence through reconciliation of the warring parties and reconstruction of the material basis of the community.

So they are faced with a difficult task to begin with. Autesserre asks why peacebuilders aren’t more successful more often. She took an ethnographic approach, immersing herself in the activities of a community of interveners in the eastern Congo for over a year, drawing on her history as an intervener and researcher in the Kivus where a number of locals and expats knew her or her work. She was able to build relationships of trust over time to get beyond the party lines created for outsiders—the press, donors, drop-in researchers—and find out what the peace workers personal opinions were. She accompanied them on patrols, shadowed them in their daily work, participated in missions and spent days and nights in base camps and compounds—research like this is not for the faint of heart. This was supplemented by comparative research in eight other conflict zones to refine and extend her work in the Congo.

She found that the daily practice of peacebuilding—what happened on the ground where, with the best of intentions, years of training and experience, expats continue to carry out programs that haven’t worked in the past and continue to fail. One telling example involves security routines and risk management. “Bunkerization” with fortified compounds, guards, tight restrictions on movement outside the compounds, essentially a military view of security, has become the norm in most missions. This leads to further isolation from the local population, lessens opportunities for communication and creates resentment among those they are trying to help. And it creates an unnecessary climate of fear among those deployed. Autesserre, in a great example of using her own experience in the field as part of her research, writes that interveners were more fearful than business travelers and scholarly researchers in the same area. “My husband, several other contacts, and I noticed that when we were attached to an intervening organization in a conflict zone we felt much more scared than when we worked in the same area for other reasons.”

This is just one of about a zillion examples that Autesserre uses to show that the political assumptions, career concerns and organizational bureaucratic demands of interveners have a significant, perhaps telling, effect on the success of peacebuilding missions. She is an indefatigable researcher, pounding home her points with lessons learned in the field so that her conclusions are reliable. She writes well—while “Peaceland” is an academic work anyone interested in how nations that have been to hell and not quite all the way back can stitch themselves back together and avoid the scourge of civil war and communal strife in the future.

[Sara Salem · Rating 3 out of 5]

This was interesting because there are not enough critiques out there of interveners in conflict areas and the ways in which they live in bubbles and reproduce problematic structures of exclusion. However, she didn't go far enough in uncovering the roots of this reality. Neocolonialism and racist views of people in developing countries are a key aspect and she barely mentioned these. In the end one gets a sense that yes, interveners should do better but they do have good intentions and their conditions are difficult. She does not touch on the issue of how these conflicts began or how there are global structures that keep them in place - including the aid and intervention industries.

[Virág · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to enter the world of conflict resolution or humanitarian development. However, I did not realise how true the notions recorded were until I myself joined "Peaceland" as a staff of an international organisation.

Re-reading the book for the second time was a revelation in many ways, and although some pervasive behaviours have changed, most of the analyses still hold true to this day. I hope to re-read it again in the future to reflect again on the state of "Peaceland".

[Stefan Morar · Rating 4 out of 5]

Everyday practices of peacebuilders deployed on the ground in international intervention play a crucial role in shaping the outcomes of the conflict resolution, influencing its effectiveness. In order to increase the effectiveness of peace making, these everyday habits, practices, and narratives must be changed. In her groundbreaking Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention, Séverine Autesserre is portraying the “peaceland” as a “system of meaning”, a “habitus” of expatriates working to make the world a better place. Due to its characteristics, “peaceland” is also made of boundaries. The author finds the boundary between interveners and locals as the most important barrier in the way of successful peace-making, creating a ´us versus them´ dynamic. Autesserre´s thorough analysis allows her to offer interesting recommendations to achieve effective peace building. The book is a must-read for anyone interested in how peace-making really works, and also for other IR practitioners.

This work suggests a new approach to the study of international peace building. It is using an interventionist ethnographic approach analyzing the everyday practices of peace building efforts. This new approach produces findings that are different from the existing research on the subject. If the existing research on international peace building emphasizes the differences among interveners, Autesserre´s work is focused on commonalities among them. In contrast with the research on liberal peace, she shows that these commonalities reside less in shared representations, like the adherence to liberal values, but lie in the everyday practices on the ground (p. 47). These new findings suggest a fresh answer to the question of what affects the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of international peace building. Macro level policies, strategies, institutions, discourses are not the only determinants of peace building effectiveness. The everyday practice of peace building on the ground also matters tremendously (p. 57). It is by looking at these everyday practices and habits that we can understand why interveners contribute to perpetrating modes of operation that are inefficient, ineffective, or counterproductive. Everyday practices, habits, narratives are responses to the daily difficulties of intervening on the ground in conflict zones. They enable interveners to function in the difficult environment that they face, but these habits have also numerous counterproductive consequences that decrease the effectiveness of international peace efforts. Intended consequences of these routines are enabling interveners to function in these conflict zones, and enabling the organizations to help the countries build peace. Unintended consequences refer to the fact that these everyday routines construct and maintain boundaries between interveners and local population. They reinforce the intervener´s superiority over the local people (p. 159). Interveners share a common goal - to help the people, but this defines who belongs to the community and who does not, thus creating a ´us versus them´ logic (p. 175). On the ground, two elements transform the group of interveners that actually have many differences between them into a group: the interveners share a common experience of life in conflict zones (apart from the fact that they drive in big SUVs, have inside jokes, the main characteristic that binds them together is that they are all foreigners, working with no family life, constant fear, difficult job). Second element, is the presence of ´others´ (not only locals, but also organizations), which construct the intervener´s own identity, enforcing the sense of community between them (p. 162).
In her twenty pages of policy recommendations, two of them are crucial. Firstly, international interveners could rebalance the role of local and thematic knowledge by following the module of their organizations. This can be done by changing recruitment and promotion practices for interveners, relying on local employees, involving local partners and communities in new ways, and creating tools and structures to get the local input. Secondly, the boundaries between interveners and local people can be broken by promoting socialization, by creating structures for better relationships, and by convincing interveners to pass over security routines and the requirements to advertise their actions. Local people could help breaking these boundaries by changing the way they routinely interact with peace builders.
At the theoretical level, building on Raymond Apthorpe and the anthropology of aid, Autesserre´s work brings important contributions to the field of international intervention, proposing a new framework to study the everyday life of interveners and its impact on the success of the international intervention. She finds two big problems with theory of peace-building: (1) focus on main capital cities; (2) research focus on macro level, which results in two research gaps: there is not much knowledge about the “nuts and bolts” of peace building (everyday activities), and about the daily life of the interveners and how it influences the macro level. Her theoretical approach comes to fill an important gap in the literature of peace building: the practices, customs, behaviors, and everyday lives of interveners. Her research highlights commonalities and differences between interveners. If for the liberal peace approach commonalities are based on shared values, she shows that in fact these commonalities are based on the everyday practices. Thus, Autesserre puts the study of everyday practices on equal footing with the content or ideological dimension of the peace building process. Moreover, she is criticizing the liberal peace concept which in practice, she argues, it often turns into a technocratic idea that there is only one way to do things right – the way that the international experts know how to build the rule of law, or stable institutions. This concept justifies not taking local context into account. She is talking more about ways of implementation.
In terms of ontology and epistemology, Séverine Autesserre is undeniably a constructivist, and the methodology used is a comparative qualitative study. The method is “an ethnography of international intervention”. Her ethnographic study is composed of four types of data. Field observations, 295 in-depth interviews, 124 discrete participant observations and document analysis. By drawing on such an impressive amount of empirical data, Autesserre is capable of clearly analyzing and offering a “thick” description of international intervention in conflict zones from an “everyday life” perspective. If Rogers Brubaker was portraying his ethnographic case study as a “place study” analyzing the everyday ethnicity in a Transylvanian town, then Autesserre´s work can be qualified as a comparative place study.
An important criticism that can be brought against Autesserre is that despite her impressive amount of data gathered, her recommendations are not groundbreaking. She does not propose a structural reform of the international intervention, but more a reform of everyday practices. Thus, there is an imbalance between the originality of her approach and the soft reform proposed in the recommendations, which does not diminish the importance of the book.

Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention, is a book that must be read by all practitioners of international relations. Séverine Autesserre is reminding us something which for some might be already familiar: any intervention is incomplete without an in-depth analysis of the dynamics on the ground (p. 159). Moreover, everyday practices of peacebuilders deployed on the ground in international intervention influence the effectiveness of peace building efforts, and thus, they must be changed. In order to avoid the boundaries constructed between interveners and local population, the international organizations involved in peace building must reform their recruitment and promotion practices, and engage in more socialization on the ground.
Her new approach leaves the reader with a concrete and complex critical image of the peace building dynamics and the everyday life of international intervention, but also a very optimist view of an achievable lasting peace on the international arena.

[James Hadinger · Rating 4 out of 5]

Closing book for my So You Want to Save the World course - Great insight into conflict resolution and micro/macro look at interveners in Peaceland.

[Nadia Kanji · Rating 5 out of 5]

Dr. Autesserre’s book is a crucial read for anyone who is dabbling in the world of foreign policy or humanitarian intervention. Despite the controversy surrounding foreign intervention, the way in which she defines the “effectiveness” of intervention (as having promoted peace in the area of intervention), automatically looks at this within the realm of producing a positive impact, as opposed to looking at the geostrategic gain for an external intervener.

Rather than examining the local factors that act as impediments to peace, as is typically done in most ethnographic studies, Dr. Autesserre turns the camera lens to observe the external intervener (including non-state actors) and how their habits and reliance on dominant narratives and universal templates impede their ability to implement peace. She also examines how the neglect of on the ground dynamics has led to an inability to implement useful solutions to enduring conflicts. Personally, having traveled extensively to the countries where my own family lived (including in East Africa and India), this book really pinpoints the problems of expat communities segregating themselves from local populations (whether through bunkerization or simply just going to different restaurants and bars) and evaluates this impact on peacebuilding. The book is an eye-opener for anyone who wants to improve the way in which external actors attempt to implement peace abroad.

[Teo · Rating 5 out of 5]

This should be required reading for everyone who works toward positive change in a foreign county. For those with limited time, the introduction and conclusion should provide an ample summary.

Autesserre draws on substantial ethnographic fieldwork to demonstrate how the everyday habits of foreign interveners and their organizations often negate their intended impact or even cause harm, mainly through discounting the importance of context, undervaluing the contributions of local staff, and ignoring the perceptions of beneficiaries. She paints a picture of foreigners residing in their own "bubble" that should be familiar to many who live in developing countries, locals and foreigners alike. The book points out in great detail, perhaps too much for a casual reader, how these often neglected dynamics doom many peacebuilding efforts to fail. Those who work in related fields - development, humanitarian relief, human rights, diplomacy, etc. - will recognize that the findings apply to their sectors as well. I hope this book triggers more research on the subject and, most important, amplifies the voices of locals and progressive foreigners advocating for change.

[Saskia · Rating 5 out of 5]

A fascinating ethnography of the "peace-building industry." For anyone who has spent time working or living in conflict zones, many of its themes will be familiar. Yet Autesserre applies a remarkably systematic analytical approach, justifying and explaining her reasoning and methodology with great care. She draws out how everyday practices, habits, and norms by international interveners--while not necessarily irrational--can end up reinforcing stark boundaries between interveners and the very communities they are trying to help, which can seriously undermine the effectiveness of peace-building interventions.

Perhaps the most interesting part for me was the discussion of the politics of knowledge in Peaceland, as it applies to many other spheres of international assistance/international relations. How do we decide what type of knowledge is valuable or relevant? What types of knowledge do we reward in our current assistance bureaucracies and academic institutions? What are we missing if we value thematic knowledge over local, contextual expertise? And what does this mean for the quality of our conflict analysis?

[Banu Altunbas · Rating 4 out of 5]

My dear friend Severine always impresses me with her thorough research, very insightful analysis and her brilliant conclusions. I believe this book will make a lot of people think and reflect on what we do on the field. Even though I don't agree with all the conclusions of this book, I do share many of the observations and shortcomings of peace building. One point that made me wonder throughout the book was the bundling of all interveners in the quest for peace. The humanitarian organizations especially to be included in the general behaviors of the interveners make sense, but at the same time the objectives of humanitarian action is never the establishment of peace.
Having said that I really enjoyed the book and strongly recommend anyone working or planning in working in this environment to read it.

[Max · Rating 3 out of 5]

An ethnographic study of humanitarian and aid workers. Based on my experience with these people in Cote d'Ivoire, a lot of the discussion here was right on point. The book explains how humanitarians (and most ex-pats in developing countries) isolate themselves from the local population to the detriment of their missions' effectiveness. I particularly liked the discussion of local knowledge v. general technical expertise, and how the latter is more valued despite the obvious problems with this. Several parts of the book were pretty long-winded, and I got bored around 2/3 of the way through.

[Jessie · Rating 5 out of 5]

Dr. Autesserre provides first-hand experience with international peace builders as well as the domestic victims through her ethnographic fieldwork and research trajectory. This book is a living theory of international relations combined with a dynamic documentary of transnational intervention; this book criticizes the conventional understanding of intervention while incorporating importance of distinctive cultures of victims and peace builders.

Read our interview with Dr. Autessere here: http://www.wanderingeducators.com/boo...

[Emily · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book offers valuable insights into peacekeeping/peacebuilding field work. Having not shared the author's experiences, I can't speak to its accuracy, but I found her insights were very practical and informative. While based on academic research as well as Autesserre's own field experience, Peaceland remains consistently readable and applicable. I am doing my undergrad and don't have a background in field work, but I never found the language too technical or context-specific. However, in an effort to remain accessible, the book does become a little repetitive at times.

[Mohammed Al-awlaqi · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book explains very important issues in many Peace Missions. As I come from Yemen, it explains why the international community focus only on Marc-level of the conflict, avoiding to tackle the grassroots. Also, the book explains the usage of dominate narratives in explaining the conflict, yet these narratives can lead the focus on the effects, but not the sources of such conflict! I strongly recommend this book...

[Paul Harper · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book is relevant not only to peacekeepers but to development types and indeed expats of all sorts. COINdanista's might also want to read.

[Adam Salisbury · Rating 5 out of 5]

Fabulous to read and self-reflect on. Applies just as much to Aidland as it does to Peaceland

[John DeRosa · Rating 4 out of 5]

Essential reading for peacebuilding, conflict resolution, and military intervention.

[PHILIPPE ROSEN · Rating 5 out of 5]

All you need to know and understand about the humanitarian world.

[Meir Brooks · Rating 3 out of 5]

A must-read for those engaged in field work in developing countries and conflict areas, not only peacekeepers. For everyone else, the book is a good introduction to the challenges and shortcomings of "interveners" in such areas, but little is counterintuitive. Moreover, the situation has likely changed substantially since the writing of this book, so it may be outdated.

The book goes over classic problems among international organizations in vulnerable areas. The interveners socialize almost exclusively among themselves and are mostly segregated from the rest of the population; they prioritize solutions drawn from international "templates" and academia over local knowledge and participation; they spend too little time in an area to get to know it well; etc. To her credit Autesserre emphasizes that in all these cases, there is a rationale to the rules and regulations, but that they are taken too far, and she makes a convincing case of this.

You will not get much beyond that basic argument-- which is not a criticism, as the argument is important and well-made, and that is valuable. But the anecdotes are generally short and to the point, often a single line or quote, so you will learn little in terms of broader examples (I have not read her previous book, "The Trouble with the Congo," but it is likely a better read on that count). Some of the arguments are somewhat weaker-- her emphasis on solutions that are adapted to (or stem from) local conditions is strong, but the criticism of quantifiable and measurable outcomes seems shakier, or at least stronger than it should be.

In all, a useful book, but probably nothing here that you can't get from a good couple of in-depth articles on the subject. On the other hand, for those who intend to participate in such work themselves, this serves as a useful "do and don't" list to at least consider before getting involved.

[Chico Athalla · Rating 5 out of 5]

Séverine Autessere’s book proves to be an excellent primer into the inner complexities of peacekeeping. It directly questions and challenges the preconceptions that exist within what she calls “Peaceland”.

It is definitely a recommended read to everyone that is interested in peacekeeping, development, and other related issues!

[Anastasija · Rating 3 out of 5]

She's talking in circles, every other page I feel like I'm having déjà vu. The topic itself is important but the need to write more and more just made it that much more uninteresting to read + most of what she talks about you can conclude on your own if you have any ounce of common sense and critical thinking

[Kyrre · Rating 3 out of 5]

Meh. Good but too long. Few sources, too much extrapolation from specific case studies.