Ten Episodes in China's Diplomacy

by Qian Qichen

Qian Qichen played a direct role in some of the most dramatic moments in recent Chinese history -- including standoffs, efforts to build alliances, and historic summits -- and here he recounts these episodes from behind the scenes. Having witnessed and influenced high-powered political crossroads, he shows just how global relationships are delicately maintained through rarely seen negotiations. Qichen's remembrance covers world-changing events, including the thawing of China's relationship with the Soviet Union; Nelson Mandela's visit to China after his release from prison; the normalization of Sino-Indonesian relations; and the transfer of Hong Kong. As China continues to rise on the world stage, Qichen offers an inside look at its politics and relationships to other countries, helping us understand the past, present, and future of one of the world's greatest powers.

Genres: China, History

368 pages, Hardcover

First published January 1, 2006

Reviews

[Barack Liu]

165-Ten Episodes in China's Diplomacy-Qian Qichen-Politics-2003
Barack
2018/04/ 15
2020/06/08


- Weak state has no diplomatic .

"Ten Notes on Diplomacy", first published in China in 2003. It is a recollection of ten major events during Qian Qichen's tenure as Vice Minister and Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, organized and compiled in a book, spanning from the early 1980s to the 1990s.

Qian Qichen was born in Tianjin in 1928 and died in 2017. Studied at the High School Affiliated to Shanghai Datong University. From April 1972 to March 1988, he served as Director of the Information Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. In April 1988, he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Secretary of the Party Committee. In 1991, he served as State Councilor, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Secretary of the Party Committee. In March 1993, he served as Vice Premier of the State Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs. In March 1998, he served as Vice Premier of the State Council, responsible for foreign affairs, Hong Kong and Macao, overseas Chinese affairs, and tourism. Representative works: "Ten Notes on Diplomacy", etc.

Part of the catalog
1. Normalization of Sino-Soviet relations
2. Paris Conference on Cambodia
3. Fly to Baghdad
4. "Funeral Diplomacy" in Tokyo
5. To Seoul
6. Dark clouds will not destroy the city
7. From the Soviet Union to Russia
8. Africa complex
9. Two struggles in Taiwan-related diplomacy
10. Hong Kong and Macau return

On the eve of the founding of New China, the Communist Party of China, headed by Mao Zedong, proposed a foreign policy of “starting a new stove”, “cleaning the house and treating guests again” and “leaning to one side”. In the final analysis, the reason why China formed an alliance with the Soviet Union was because the Soviet Union was the main supporter of the Chinese revolution.

After the outbreak of the Korean War, the large-scale military intervention of the United States directly threatened China's national security, and China had to make a difficult decision to resist US aggression and aid Korea. The Korean War also made us lose the opportunity to resolve the Taiwan issue, and the confrontation between China and the United States did not stop because the war on the Korean Peninsula was extinguished.

In the mid-1950s, China, India, and Myanmar jointly advocated the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and participated in the Geneva Conference and the Asian-African Conference. It should be said that China's diplomatic activities during this period opened up a new phase for China's foreign exchanges.

After the Chinese government regained Yijiangshan Island and Dachen Island, it originally wanted to use the two-step policy of "liberating Golden Horses and Taiwan and Penghu" to achieve unification. However, in the second Taiwan Strait crisis, China realized the US conspiracy to separate Taiwan from the mainland, adjusted its strategy, and adopted a "half-dozen half-stop, half-stop, stop-stop" approach to Kinmen Matsu.

One of the basic characteristics of China in resolving historical issues is that China considers these historical issues under the framework of a macro diplomatic strategy. In addition to removing obstacles to bilateral relations, solving these historical issues is more to serve the overall goal of China's diplomatic strategy.

Since the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, China and the Soviet Union have diverged on the concepts of international communist movement, international strategic issues, and foreign policies, and have launched major debates around ideology, which gradually deteriorated Sino-Soviet relations. It is precisely from this that China and the United States have begun to approach, and China's diplomatic strategy has gradually transitioned to "one line" and "a large area."

The "one line" diplomatic strategy means that countries on the line from China and Japan via Pakistan, Iran, Turkey to Europe and then to the United States unite against the Soviet Union and form an international anti-hegemony united front. "A large area" refers to the countries surrounding the "one line", and its purpose is to unite all countries in the "one line" and "a large area" to jointly deal with the expansionary momentum of the Soviet Union.

In the first "middle ground theory after" put forward, China began to focus on the establishment of the "National Inter united front for peace," the relationship between the development and widespread nationalist countries, with some of the major Western capitalist countries have begun to contact, beginning with Japan The people-to-people exchanges and trade exchanges. After the "Two Middle Zones" theory was put forward, China vigorously supported the national liberation movement, established diplomatic relations with the Western power, France, and started trade with Italy and other countries, and further developed its relations with Japan.

The middle zone theory refers to the middle zone formed by many capitalist countries such as Europe, Asia, Africa, and colonial and semi-colonial countries between the United States and the Soviet Union. The United States must include these middle-zone countries in its sphere of influence before attacking the Soviet Union, otherwise it cannot be talked about attacking the Soviet Union.

From the late 1960s to the first half of the 1970s, the leftism in internal affairs once affected the diplomatic field, causing serious interference in diplomatic work. The actual consideration of the security situation made the central government consider abandoning ideological differences and ideals of world revolution and abandoning the left-leaning diplomatic line in international struggles.

From the late 1960s to the 1970s, facing the threat of the Soviet Union, China proposed the idea of establishing an anti-hegemony united front policy and dividing the "three worlds". The essence is that the Second and Third Worlds unite to oppose the first world composed of the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, especially the Soviet hegemonism.

February 22, 1974, Mao Zedong met President Kaunda of Zambia, to mention the theoretical division of the three worlds. Mao Zedong said: "I think the United States and the Soviet Union are the first world; the centrist Japan, Europe, and Canada are the second world; we are the third world." "The third world has a large population" and "Asia is the third world except Japan. The world. The whole of Africa is the third world, and Latin America is the third world".

China's diplomacy in the 1980s created an unprecedented lively situation. In order to cooperate with the national strategy centered on economic construction, the Chinese government has made major foreign policy adjustments, clarifying the non-alignment policy based on the principle of independence.

After the end of the Cold War, China's diplomacy encountered tremendous pressure. At the time when the pattern of international relations was changing, Deng Xiaoping put forward the diplomatic policy of "hiding our capacities and biding our time and making a difference." Strive for favorable external conditions for national economic development.

How to unify the three places with different systems under one sovereign state through peaceful means has no precedent in human history. Chinese leaders creatively put forward the idea of "one country, two systems", that is, to realize the unification of sovereignty while retaining their own governance systems in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan.

After years of arduous negotiations, China joined the World Trade Organization. In order to dispel international doubts about China's future development, Chinese leaders took the initiative to put forward the concepts of "peaceful development" and "harmonious world."

At the turn of the century, Sino-Soviet relations have transitioned smoothly to Sino-Russian relations, a strategic partnership of coordination has been established, and a good-neighborly friendship treaty has been signed. However, Sino-Japanese relations have been repeatedly repeated.

In the 21st century, Sino-U.S. relations have suffered serious setbacks in the embassy bombing incident and the plane collision incident. And China-EU political relations have continuously leaped three steps: from a long-term and stable constructive partnership to a comprehensive partnership to a comprehensive strategic partnership.

" In May 1982, I became the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and began to be in charge of Soviet and Eastern European affairs. 　　At that time, China and the Soviet Union were in a serious situation of confrontation: the Soviet Union had millions of soldiers on the Mongolian People’s Republic and the long Sino-Soviet border; 70 At the end of the decade, they supported Vietnam’s invasion of Cambodia and sent troops to invade Afghanistan. This poses a direct threat to our country’s national security. 　　As the saying goes, “frozen three feet is not a day’s cold.” If historical accounts are not counted, since the 1950s In the 30 years from the end to the end of the 1980s, China and the Soviet Union experienced three "decades": 1959-1969 can be said to be a ten-year debate; 1969-1979 is a ten-year confrontation; 1979-1989 is a ten-year negotiation During this period, there were both cold wars and heat wars. "

For key figures in major historical events. 10 or 20 years later , when people look back at the historical role played by these witnesses at that time . It is inevitable that there will be many emotions . People and events influence each other. It is a group of people that promoted the development of history . It is also history that has changed the fate of a group of people.

" Our analysis at the time was that due to the heavy burden of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the global competition with the United States was becoming increasingly tense. The Soviet Union felt powerless and had to implement strategic adjustments, and ease of relations with China was one of them. A major step. This objectively provided an opportunity for us to adjust our policy on the Soviet Union. 　　Comrade Xiaoping called the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and instructed to immediately respond to Brezhnev’s speech. At that time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had not yet officially issued a press release. Meeting system. I am still in my post as the director of the Information Department, and I am considering the establishment of a spokesperson. This has become an opportunity to establish a spokesperson system immediately. 　　

The first press conference of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was a press conference without seats. It was March 26, and the place was in the foyer of the main building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At that time, there was no dedicated press release venue. Seventy or eighty Chinese and foreign journalists were invited to attend, and everyone stood around me. The translator was the current Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing. 　　As the first spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I issued a short three-sentence statement: 　　"We have taken note of the speech made by Chairman Brezhnev of the Soviet Union on China-Soviet relations in Tashkent on March 24. We firmly refuse to speak. China’s attack on China. In Sino-Soviet relations and international affairs, what we value is the actual actions of the Soviet Union." 　　After reading the statement, there were no questions or answers. The first press conference is over. 　　

This unprecedented press conference and three-sentence brief statement immediately attracted the attention of Chinese and foreign journalists in Beijing. 　　The Soviet reporter present at the press conference gave me a thumbs up on the spot and said to me: "Ogyn Harasso!" (Very good!) He obviously heard the unusual meaning in the statement. 　　In the three sentences, two words are important, one is "attention" and the other is "attention." In fact, it means "listen to what it says and watch what it does". The words are audible, but it is natural to say that there is a reasonable element in your words. In the past, everything China said to the Soviet Union could only be comprehensively criticized. How could you listen to it, let alone "watch what it did". To "watch what he does" now is to ask the other party to take practical actions.　

This brief statement, published in the middle of the front page of "People's Daily" the next day, shows that the news is short but important. The statement also immediately attracted widespread attention internationally. The five major Western news agencies and other foreign media have reported and made comments. A foreign news agency pointed out that this cautious and implicit statement foretells that Sino-Soviet relations that have resisted for more than 30 years are likely to change and change the world situation. "

I was young, had a dream too grew up to be a diplomat. But because of various subjective on , the factors objectively, this dream in this life should have no way to achieve. But I am still the Foreign Ministry in quite interested in speaking every weekday. Although different words may sound similar, the attitudes implied by them may be completely different.

" China and the Soviet Union have been arguing for a long time about who is right and who is wrong. We call the Soviet Union revisionism, and the Soviet Union calls us "dogmatism." The tune between the two sides is getting higher and higher. This time, Comrade Xiaoping proposed Sino-Soviet relations. The improved conditions put the solution of real problems in the first place, and the focus has shifted from ideological disputes to consideration of national interests, showing the trend of China’s foreign policy adjustments in the future. "

" Before the opening of the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China on September 1, 1982, China and the Soviet Union had internally agreed that the special envoys of the two governments at the vice ministerial level would hold political consultations on the normalization of relations between the two countries. "

"During the entire consultation process, the two sides faced each other tit-for-tat, and the atmosphere was sometimes fierce. Both parties prepared drafts in advance and refuted each other. Illichev was still a PhD in ideological work for a long time, and was editing a philosophical dictionary at the time. Later, he was not only a tough attitude, but also very theoretical. He liked long articles, chewed words, and went around, but it was dogmatic and empty, which was very annoying.