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History of European Liberalism
{ 15.34 x 23.59 cms} Leather Binding on Spine and Corners with Golden Leaf Printing on round Spine (extra customization on request like complete leather, Golden Screen printing in Front, Color Leather, Colored book etc.) Reprinted in 2019 with the help of original edition published long back [1927]. This book is printed in black & white, sewing binding for longer life, printed on high quality Paper, re-sized as per Current standards, professionally processed without changing its contents. As these are old books, we processed each page manually and make them readable but in some cases some pages which are blur or missing or black spots. If it is multi volume set, then it is only single volume, if you wish to order a specific or all the volumes you may contact us. We expect that you will understand our compulsion in these books. We found this book important for the readers who want to know more about our old treasure so we brought it back to the shelves. Hope you will like it and give your comments and suggestions. - English, Pages 492. EXTRA 10 DAYS APART FROM THE NORMAL SHIPPING PERIOD WILL BE REQUIRED FOR LEATHER BOUND BOOKS. COMPLETE LEATHER WILL COST YOU EXTRA US$ 25 APART FROM THE LEATHER BOUND BOOKS. {FOLIO EDITION IS ALSO AVAILABLE.} Complete The History Of European Liberalism 1927 Guido De Ruggiero, R. G. Collingwood (Tr.)
Hardcover
First published January 1, 1927
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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
February 1, 2023
It looked as though a retired New York City professor of European history retired to the Finger Lakes and upon his death somebody donated his whole collection of books to a small town library. And there they sat in a weekend used book sale. That's where I found this tome.
Having once been accused by an ultra conservative friend of being a liberal, the title of this 475-page book, stuffed at the bottom of a cardboard box, appealed to me. What does it mean to be a liberal? How did liberals get to be called liberal? Did I qualify?
Does being an American liberal in 2023 mean the same thing that Harry Truman meant in a late 1940s speech when he talked about making the world safe for "liberal democracy."
I thought this book might give me a clue.
If only I could muster the strength to plow through it. It took me five months of bedtime reading.
The History of European Liberalism, by Guido de Ruggiero (1888-1948), an Italian professor of the history of philosophy, wrote this book (in Italian) in about 1925, three years after Mussolini's fascists seized power. It was as though de Ruggiero was trying to answer the question: How did we come to this? And he goes a lonnnng way back to look for answers.
He begins with an investigation of aristocracy and monarchies, the French Revolution, political writers like Locke, Rousseau, Bentham, Burke, and de Tocqueville. He differentiates among British, French, and German political and economic histories and carefully contrasts liberalism, socialism, and democracy.
And embedded in all that is the answer to my question. Liberalism at its birth meant practically the opposite of what it seems to mean today. Originally its political meaning was derived from the root word: liberty.
Nowadays, the Republican party (in the US, anyway) sees itself both as the champion of liberty and opponent of liberalism. Semantics: how they change.
That said, it is also worth noting that as a writer, de Ruggiero gets tangled up in his own semantics to the point of being laughable. Maybe he's a clear thinker whose thoughts got lost in translation (by R. G. Collingwood). But I don't think so.
Toward the end of the book, after he's done expounding in such chapters as The Catholic Church and Liberty, he starts wandering into a swamp of verbosity that makes him look quite foolish by 2023 standards. I found myself scribbling notes (as if de Ruggiero might, himself, read them).
For example, he writes (and please pardon the length; de Ruggiero never lets a sentence stand where three paragraphs can be had): "The educational power of the Liberal method lies precisely in the fact that it saps and destroys the sense of dogmatic self-sufficiency and the attitude of suspicion towards views opposed to one's own; thus it opens the mind to new ideas, reveals profound elements of truth in the views of opponents, and creates a belief in the possibility of a higher co-operation in all activities, a hidden harmony in all discords. In this way pride is tempered by humility, and confidence learns to rest not on contingent and transient individuals but on the superior individuality of the spirit which embraces and redeems them all."
Maybe vague, lofty language was in vogue in 1925. Or maybe he's just a gas bag. His naivete (at least as seen 80 years back in our 2023 rear-view mirror) is astonishing. Mr. de Ruggiero obviously never met Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, or Marjorie Taylor Greene.
But it does appear he might have had Benito Mussolini in mind when he referred to "transient individuals, and when he wrote, "The conclusion of the foregoing analysis is that the crisis of Liberalism [old definition], grave and deep-seated as it is, is not so irreparable as it may appear to superficial observers and impatient heirs . . . as we write the crisis is still in being . . . The
liberal parties have everywhere suffered a serious reverse . . . But their power of reviving and shaking off their present decadence is more than a well-grounded hope; it is a fact already beginning to assert itself."
Apparently not. Twenty years later de Ruggiero was imprisoned by the fascists and it took a World War to get him out and before Harry Truman's kind of liberal democracy could be reborn in Europe.
(Four stars based on the enormous amount of history to be learned here.)
Having once been accused by an ultra conservative friend of being a liberal, the title of this 475-page book, stuffed at the bottom of a cardboard box, appealed to me. What does it mean to be a liberal? How did liberals get to be called liberal? Did I qualify?
Does being an American liberal in 2023 mean the same thing that Harry Truman meant in a late 1940s speech when he talked about making the world safe for "liberal democracy."
I thought this book might give me a clue.
If only I could muster the strength to plow through it. It took me five months of bedtime reading.
The History of European Liberalism, by Guido de Ruggiero (1888-1948), an Italian professor of the history of philosophy, wrote this book (in Italian) in about 1925, three years after Mussolini's fascists seized power. It was as though de Ruggiero was trying to answer the question: How did we come to this? And he goes a lonnnng way back to look for answers.
He begins with an investigation of aristocracy and monarchies, the French Revolution, political writers like Locke, Rousseau, Bentham, Burke, and de Tocqueville. He differentiates among British, French, and German political and economic histories and carefully contrasts liberalism, socialism, and democracy.
And embedded in all that is the answer to my question. Liberalism at its birth meant practically the opposite of what it seems to mean today. Originally its political meaning was derived from the root word: liberty.
Nowadays, the Republican party (in the US, anyway) sees itself both as the champion of liberty and opponent of liberalism. Semantics: how they change.
That said, it is also worth noting that as a writer, de Ruggiero gets tangled up in his own semantics to the point of being laughable. Maybe he's a clear thinker whose thoughts got lost in translation (by R. G. Collingwood). But I don't think so.
Toward the end of the book, after he's done expounding in such chapters as The Catholic Church and Liberty, he starts wandering into a swamp of verbosity that makes him look quite foolish by 2023 standards. I found myself scribbling notes (as if de Ruggiero might, himself, read them).
For example, he writes (and please pardon the length; de Ruggiero never lets a sentence stand where three paragraphs can be had): "The educational power of the Liberal method lies precisely in the fact that it saps and destroys the sense of dogmatic self-sufficiency and the attitude of suspicion towards views opposed to one's own; thus it opens the mind to new ideas, reveals profound elements of truth in the views of opponents, and creates a belief in the possibility of a higher co-operation in all activities, a hidden harmony in all discords. In this way pride is tempered by humility, and confidence learns to rest not on contingent and transient individuals but on the superior individuality of the spirit which embraces and redeems them all."
Maybe vague, lofty language was in vogue in 1925. Or maybe he's just a gas bag. His naivete (at least as seen 80 years back in our 2023 rear-view mirror) is astonishing. Mr. de Ruggiero obviously never met Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, or Marjorie Taylor Greene.
But it does appear he might have had Benito Mussolini in mind when he referred to "transient individuals, and when he wrote, "The conclusion of the foregoing analysis is that the crisis of Liberalism [old definition], grave and deep-seated as it is, is not so irreparable as it may appear to superficial observers and impatient heirs . . . as we write the crisis is still in being . . . The
liberal parties have everywhere suffered a serious reverse . . . But their power of reviving and shaking off their present decadence is more than a well-grounded hope; it is a fact already beginning to assert itself."
Apparently not. Twenty years later de Ruggiero was imprisoned by the fascists and it took a World War to get him out and before Harry Truman's kind of liberal democracy could be reborn in Europe.
(Four stars based on the enormous amount of history to be learned here.)
December 12, 2024
Guido de Ruggiero’s History of European Liberalism (originally published in Italian in 1925 as Storia del liberalismo europeo and later translated into English) is a seminal work that remains a cornerstone in the intellectual history of liberal thought. De Ruggiero, a distinguished Italian philosopher and historian, presents a sweeping and deeply philosophical analysis of the evolution of liberalism in Europe. By intertwining intellectual, political, and cultural history, he offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the development of liberalism as a living tradition rather than a static ideology.
The book is organized chronologically and thematically, tracing the origins of liberalism from its Enlightenment roots through its transformations in the 19th and early 20th centuries. De Ruggiero begins by outlining the intellectual foundations of liberalism, particularly its connections to the Enlightenment emphasis on reason, individual autonomy, and natural rights. He then examines the influence of key liberal thinkers, such as John Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, while simultaneously exploring how these ideas were interpreted and adapted in different national contexts, including Britain, France, and Germany.
De Ruggiero’s narrative extends beyond the philosophical underpinnings to address the socio-political dimensions of liberalism, particularly its role in shaping constitutional government, civil liberties, and market economies. His discussion of 19th-century liberalism is particularly rich, highlighting the tensions between classical liberalism’s emphasis on individualism and the emerging challenges posed by socialism, nationalism, and industrial capitalism.
One of the most compelling aspects of the book is its dialectical approach to liberalism. De Ruggiero does not present liberalism as a monolithic or universally positive force. Instead, he emphasizes its contradictions and limitations, particularly its historical entanglements with imperialism, class inequality, and the exclusion of marginalized groups. He critically engages with the idea that liberalism, while aspiring to universality, often failed to live up to its ideals in practice.
Another significant theme is the interaction between liberalism and other intellectual traditions. De Ruggiero explores how liberalism absorbed and responded to challenges from Romanticism, conservatism, socialism, and nationalism. His nuanced treatment of these interactions underscores the adaptability of liberal thought, as well as its vulnerability to external pressures and internal contradictions.
De Ruggiero’s work is distinguished by its erudition and philosophical depth. His ability to weave together intellectual history with broader social and political developments provides readers with a holistic understanding of liberalism’s trajectory. However, this strength also poses challenges. The density of his prose and the complexity of his arguments may prove daunting for readers unfamiliar with the philosophical traditions he engages with. Moreover, while De Ruggiero’s focus on European liberalism is justified by the book’s scope, his relative neglect of non-European contexts and perspectives limits the work’s applicability in a globalized intellectual landscape.
In terms of historiography, De Ruggiero’s work reflects the intellectual climate of early 20th-century Europe, particularly its anxieties about the future of liberalism in the wake of World War I and the rise of totalitarian regimes. This historical context enriches the book’s analysis but also imbues it with a degree of Eurocentrism that modern readers might find problematic.
Despite these limitations, History of European Liberalism remains a foundational text for scholars of political thought and intellectual history. Its exploration of liberalism’s philosophical roots, historical developments, and internal tensions offers valuable insights into the challenges facing liberalism in the modern world. De Ruggiero’s work continues to resonate in contemporary debates about the future of liberal democracy, particularly in the context of rising populism, authoritarianism, and economic inequality.
In conclusion, Guido de Ruggiero’s History of European Liberalism is a masterful and thought-provoking study of a pivotal intellectual tradition. While its dense and Eurocentric approach may deter some readers, its depth of analysis and historical scope make it an essential resource for anyone seeking to understand the evolution and complexities of liberal thought. It invites readers not only to reflect on liberalism’s past but also to critically engage with its relevance in the present.
GPT
The book is organized chronologically and thematically, tracing the origins of liberalism from its Enlightenment roots through its transformations in the 19th and early 20th centuries. De Ruggiero begins by outlining the intellectual foundations of liberalism, particularly its connections to the Enlightenment emphasis on reason, individual autonomy, and natural rights. He then examines the influence of key liberal thinkers, such as John Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, while simultaneously exploring how these ideas were interpreted and adapted in different national contexts, including Britain, France, and Germany.
De Ruggiero’s narrative extends beyond the philosophical underpinnings to address the socio-political dimensions of liberalism, particularly its role in shaping constitutional government, civil liberties, and market economies. His discussion of 19th-century liberalism is particularly rich, highlighting the tensions between classical liberalism’s emphasis on individualism and the emerging challenges posed by socialism, nationalism, and industrial capitalism.
One of the most compelling aspects of the book is its dialectical approach to liberalism. De Ruggiero does not present liberalism as a monolithic or universally positive force. Instead, he emphasizes its contradictions and limitations, particularly its historical entanglements with imperialism, class inequality, and the exclusion of marginalized groups. He critically engages with the idea that liberalism, while aspiring to universality, often failed to live up to its ideals in practice.
Another significant theme is the interaction between liberalism and other intellectual traditions. De Ruggiero explores how liberalism absorbed and responded to challenges from Romanticism, conservatism, socialism, and nationalism. His nuanced treatment of these interactions underscores the adaptability of liberal thought, as well as its vulnerability to external pressures and internal contradictions.
De Ruggiero’s work is distinguished by its erudition and philosophical depth. His ability to weave together intellectual history with broader social and political developments provides readers with a holistic understanding of liberalism’s trajectory. However, this strength also poses challenges. The density of his prose and the complexity of his arguments may prove daunting for readers unfamiliar with the philosophical traditions he engages with. Moreover, while De Ruggiero’s focus on European liberalism is justified by the book’s scope, his relative neglect of non-European contexts and perspectives limits the work’s applicability in a globalized intellectual landscape.
In terms of historiography, De Ruggiero’s work reflects the intellectual climate of early 20th-century Europe, particularly its anxieties about the future of liberalism in the wake of World War I and the rise of totalitarian regimes. This historical context enriches the book’s analysis but also imbues it with a degree of Eurocentrism that modern readers might find problematic.
Despite these limitations, History of European Liberalism remains a foundational text for scholars of political thought and intellectual history. Its exploration of liberalism’s philosophical roots, historical developments, and internal tensions offers valuable insights into the challenges facing liberalism in the modern world. De Ruggiero’s work continues to resonate in contemporary debates about the future of liberal democracy, particularly in the context of rising populism, authoritarianism, and economic inequality.
In conclusion, Guido de Ruggiero’s History of European Liberalism is a masterful and thought-provoking study of a pivotal intellectual tradition. While its dense and Eurocentric approach may deter some readers, its depth of analysis and historical scope make it an essential resource for anyone seeking to understand the evolution and complexities of liberal thought. It invites readers not only to reflect on liberalism’s past but also to critically engage with its relevance in the present.
GPT
December 23, 2019
The work of Weber coincides, as we have said, with the new political and parliamentary orientation of Germany which is the greatest triumph of post-war Liberalism. The actual political fruits of this regime cannot as yet be precisely estimated. But if one thinks of the internal and external difficulties under which Germany is labouring, and of the severe trials which the constitution of Weimar has already undergone, one may conclude that the omens are favourable toward the capacity of the German people to win for itself that liberal education in politics which the old regime denied it.
Yikes!
March 26, 2021
Un evergreen per tutte le generazioni.
Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews