As a collection of resources, this book is fine. The bibliography is a good foundation for beginning to understand Rikers Island’s history and why it needs to close. This is why I gave it two stars instead of one. As a work of inquiry into the issues and challenges with Rikers’ in-progress closure (by law, it must close by 2027) and the construction of the smaller borough-based jail system replacing it (which are currently well behind schedule to be ready by 2027), Fedderly’s analysis is facile across the board, which leads her into some horribly misguided connections and sometimes outright false critical judgments.
Probably the most overarching flaw in Fedderly’s analysis is that she can’t accept that the movement to close rikers continues to be driven by the people most damaged by it. Throughout the book she invisiblizes organizers who have been imprisoned there and their loved ones, who started and continue the work of closing Rikers. She frequently pits impacted people as against the plan to close Rikers and bureaucrats who are building them, which completely omits the intense community arguments leading to the plan that continue into its implementation. I think this is mainly because she does this thing many journalists whose understanding of oppression is shallow do, looking to official sources—police, politicians, executive directors—as “experts” and the people with direct experience of that oppression as “examples.”
Another part that Fedderly somehow completely misses even acknowledging, much less exploring, the fact that the borough-based jail system is a decarceration plan, which will create a much smaller city jail system than Rikers. At one point she paraphrases a prison abolitionist as saying “this money would be better spent on decarceration initiatives and in local communities,” and astoundingly Fedderly doesn’t mention that the borough-based jails are the largest-scale decarceration initiative in NYC history, moving from the 20,000+ capacity of the jails on Rikers to 3,500-4,200 total beds in the four borough jails. This in fact is the biggest reason people like Nicole Gelinas and the Manhattan Institute oppose the borough jails: not, they say, because they’re too big, but because they’re too small.
Speaking of the Manhattan Institute: Fedderly only speaks of them once, in passing, which is missing the most powerful component, along with the racist jail officers’ unions and Mayor Eric Adams, in impeding the plan to close Rikers. This billionaire-funded pro-carceral, anti-antiracist think tank, besides funding the career of racists like Christopher Rufo, has a small army of “fellows” whose sole purpose is to foment backlash against bail reform, decarceration, and any initiative to reduce New York City’s carceral footprint, and their pet project is trying to poke holes in the plan to close Rikers and get weak-willed moderates like Eric Adams to go back on its legally mandated closure.
But Fedderly doesn’t even scratch the surface of their influence, instead devoting multiple chapters to lionizing isolated neighborhood groups and “No New Jails” activists who would rather keep an island penal colony open than have a smaller jail adjacent to the court in their neighborhood. Her framing of lower Manhattan as residents vs bureaucrats again totally disregards the voices of impacted people, who have been in continuing heated conversation with landlords like Jan Lee and his organization Neighbors United Below Canal. For a report from the ground on this argument between impacted people, residents, and abolitionists, I recommend reading Ashley Abadia-Santiago Conrad’s recent, easily googlable piece in City Limits, especially this: “It comes down to this: if you believe that a plan to close Rikers is acceptable only if it inconveniences no one, costs nothing, and solves every problem with the criminal legal system in one fell swoop, then no plan will ever suffice and we’ll end up with…Rikers.” And for a much deeper analysis than Fedderly’s of the historical stakes for the Chinatown community, I recommend a piece in Amsterdam News (also imminently searchable) by reporter Tandy Lau, who unlike Fedderly is Chinese-American with actual stakes in the community.
Finally, perhaps the book’s crowning underachievement is its lack of recency. It’s utterly inexcusable for a book on the closure of Rikers published in 2023 to have little to nothing about the plan since 2020. She interviews Glenn Martin, who hasn’t been on the campaign since 2017, references the organization Just Leadership USA, which has not been involved with the plan to close Rikers since 2020, and doesn’t interview even one of the impacted people currently driving the campaign. I understand books have publishing schedules, but this book was antiquarian before it was even released.