The battles between Michael Bakunin and Karl Marx in the First International (aka the International Working Men's Association, 1864–1876) began a pattern of polemics and rancor between anarchists and Marxists that still exists today. Outlining the profound similarities between Bakunin and Marx in their early lives and careers as activists, Mark Leier (Bakunin: The Creative Passion) suggests that the differences have often been exaggerated and have prevented activists from learning useful lessons about creating vibrant movements.
Mark Leier is a Canadian historian of working class and left-wing history. He is the director of the Centre for Labour Studies at Simon Fraser University, where he is also a Professor of Canadian History and the history of Marxism. Politically anarchist, Leier's books have mostly reflected on British Columbia's rich history of labour radicalism. His first book, Where the Fraser River Flows: The Industrial Workers of the World in British Columbia (1990) deals with the famous syndicalist, working class rebels, while his second, Red Flags and Red Tape: The Making of a Labour Bureaucracy (University of Toronto Press) deals with the institutionalization of a non-revolutionary labour movement. In Rebel Life: The Life and Times of Robert Gosden, Revolutionary, Mystic, Labour Spy (1999), Leier examines the life of an Industrial Workers of the World member (or "Wobbly") turned police labour spy. His fourth book, Bakunin: The Creative Passion is a biography and political chronicle of the 19th century Russian anarchist, Mikhail Bakunin and is being published in paperback by Seven Stories Press. As part of the Graphic History Collective, he helped produce May Day: A Graphic History of Protest," available through the SFU History Department. A former folk singer, Leier is also known for bringing a banjo to his history classes.
I had heard Leier present his argument on the Against the Grain radio show recently. Since I definitely disagreed with his take on the disagreement between Marx and Bakunin (and therefore also Marxism and anarchism), I was interested to pick the volume up. It's very short, and I think the author definitely ignores a number of data points--particularly when it comes to Marx--in making his argument. This leads Leier to go easy on Marx, something that's strange, considering how critical he was of the German in his Bakunin biography. Maybe he's shifted his view over time. There was also no discussion of racism and anti-Semitism here (both men were racists and anti-Semites), and that was disappointing (but also unsurprising).
Definitely valuable, and potentially a powerful inoculation against the greatest threat progressive, radical, and revolutionary groups face: splintering, infighting, and factions. Fortunately, this pamphlet is also short: 24 pages.
Leier provides an informative and brief summary of the history of disputes between many anarchists and Marxists as rooted in the classic fight between Bakunin and Marx. Factions may disagree on some details, but the point this work makes is simple: unify and resist.
Leier has two important statements; both come near the end of the text. I wish they opened the pamphlet. The first addresses the relative uselessness of the fights between anarchists and Marxists: “For a dispute that took up so much of their lives [Marx and Bakunin], it produced very little save division and distrust” (p. 22). If the titans of these movements couldn’t generate anything productive out of conflict with each other, it’s unlikely that their adherents will do much better fighting with each other. The only net gain is giving fascists, private security company agents, and imperialists an edge; factionalizing offers the new COINTELPRO, DHS, and ICE easy leverage points. Offering them that is stupid and suicidal.
Given the current Trump regime and how multiple movements, interest groups, and agendas are facing off with the Trumpists, we should remember: “The useful discussions between anarchists and Marxists about the International will not be over who was right but over how we might do better within our organizations and communities today” (p. 22). This premise is important, and it could easily be expanded to include other communities and groups who similarly want to be free, in the short term, of Trump and, in the long term, free from oppression.
How will we do better?
The book offers good footnotes. It’s accessible. It’s fun: powerful dismissals of BS-slingers and ideologues. And at $5.95, it’s a great starting point for activists and militants who want to unify, resist, and win.