Nina Glick Schiller and Georges Eugene Fouron’s book Georges Woke Up Laughing: Long-Distance Nationalism and the Search for Home is most concerned with using their concept of long-distance nationalism to complicate traditional views of nationalism, especially as it is regarded in immigrant communities in the United States. Using the example of Haiti, Schiller and Fouron look at the transnational citizenship of Haitian immigrants to the United States and the ways in which they participate in both the United States and Haiti. The authors focus on the story of the transmigrants, who are defined as people who live across borders (3) and participate in both their country of origin and country of residence, in order to force “scholars and political leaders to begin to re-conceptualize the nature of immigration” (3) and the nature of nationalism.
The authors take a unique approach in crafting their interpretation of the Haitian transmigrant and the familial networks they support in Haiti. Georges Eugene Fouron, as a Haitain transmigrant, provides access to stories that I believe Nina Glick Schiller would not have access to on her own. This relationship, though more egalitarian, reminds me in some ways of Karen McCarthy Brown’s relationship to Mama Lola, the vodou priestess who was the primary subject of her ethnography Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn. (Interestingly enough, McCarthy Brown writes the book jacket review for Georges Woke Up Laughing.) I was particularly interested in the ways in which the authors used interview text and their own responses within their analysis of the transmigrant and Haitian experiences. This added to the conversational tone of the work, and therefore, disrupts the scholar-subject hierarchy found in so much ethnographic work.
Much of their work is focused on the kinship ties between transmigrants and people living in Haiti, which is sustained through gift giving, commission, remittance, and other fiscal support between Haitians living in the United States and Haitians living in Haiti. They place this story within a historical understanding of Haiti that brought us to a place in the 1990’s where Haitian migrants were able to participate in nation-building projects for Haiti instead of being viewed as traitors who abandoned their nation. They also place their analysis within the complicated reality of neoliberal globalization and the way that the world economic system has negatively impacted the ability of Haiti to be more self-sufficient. But without these tensions, the authors would not be able to tell the complicated story of subaltern transmigrants who develop self-esteem and feel like people of importance via their gift-giving and fiscal support to their home countries from the position of living life as a member of a racially oppressed group in the United States. This complicated identity status for Haitians who are also U.S. citizens allows us to complicate traditional notions of immigration that cast immigrants to the United States as completely assimilated into the great melting pot of ethnicities. The writers place this within the current cultural and political climate of America that currently focuses more on multiculturalism and cultural pluralism (114).