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Published March 9, 2017
[W]hat I had not expected [down in the coal mine], and what for me was the most important feature all through, was the lowness of the roof. ... [T]here were very few places where you could stand upright. In general the roof was about 4 ft. or 4ft. 6 ins high, sometimes much lower, with every now and again a beam larger than the others under which you had to duck especially low. ...Unlike Engels, though, Orwell was much more phlegmatic in his observations. It is in fact Orwell’s signature style to relate his experiences objectively, without undue sensationalism.
After a few hundred yards of walking doubled up and once or twice having to crawl, I began to feel the effects in a violent pain all down my thighs. One also gets a bad crick in the neck, because though stooping one has to look up for fear of knocking into the beams, but the pain in the thighs is the worst. ...
When we crawled in under the roof to the coal face we could at best kneel, and then not kneel upright, and I fancy the men must do most of their work lying on their bellies. The heat also was frightful – round about 100 degrees F. so far as I could judge. The crew keep burrowing into the coal face, cutting a semi-circular track, periodically hauling the machine forward and propping as they go. ... [T]o drag the thing forward as the seam advances must be a frightful labour, seeing that the men have to do it practically lying down. [2]
The government of all the Indian provinces under the control of the British Empire is of necessity despotic, because only the threat of force can subdue a population of several million subjects.He never stopped writing about British rule in India and Burma. One of his preoccupations during World War II was observing Indian public opinion, as he feared it was for good reasons that Indian people supported Japan against Britain. In 1942, he wrote:
But this despotism is latent. It hides behind a mask of democracy.
We cannot [win the enthusiasm of the peoples of India] by promises, nor by resounding phrases about liberty and democracy; we can only do it by some concrete unmistakable act of generosity, by giving something away that cannot afterwards be taken back. ... [L]et India be given immediate Dominion status, with the right to secede after the war, if she so desires. [3]He continued even after the war ended. During the 1945 General Election, he felt that the Labour Party (which he supported) did not pay enough attention to India:
Once or twice, at Labour meetings, I tried the experiment of asking a question about India, to get an answer which sounded something like this: “The Labour Party is, of course, in fullest sympathy with the aspiration of the Indian people towards independence, next question, please.” And there the matter dropped, with not a flicker of interest on the part of the audience. [4]He ultimately thought that “Britain ought to stop ruling India as early as possible” [5], yet also felt that Britons had to be realistic about a possible decline in their standard of living as a result, saying that the failure to talk openly about it would, in the end, “perpetuate imperialism”. Despite all this, he never could support people who displayed “tourist-like gush about the superiority of Indian civilization” as compared to Britain, who thought that “the East is Good and the West is Bad” [6]. (Orwell was also critical of Gandhi – see Abha Sharma Rodrigues’s excellent study “George Orwell, The B. B. C. And India”, especially ch. 5, for a further discussion.) Indeed, Orwell never romanticized the class of people whom he thought was oppressed, and he was typically weary of a bad argument even when offered for a worthy cause.
[A]lmost nobody seems to feel that an opponent deserves a fair hearing or that the objective truth matters so long as you can score a neat debating point. ... I draw attention to one very widespread controversial habit – disregard of an opponent’s motives. The key-word here is “objectively.”This brings us to another of Orwell’s admirable quality: his self-criticality. He often tried his best not to feel too sure of himself, and it is sobering that, for someone whose novels have been called “prophetic”, Orwell was not evasive when he had been wrong.
We are told that it is only people’s objective actions that matter, and their subjective feelings are of no importance. Thus, pacifists, by obstructing the war effort, are “objectively” aiding the Nazis: and therefore the fact that they may be personally hostile to Fascism is irrelevant. I have been guilty of saying this myself more than once. [7]
In the middle of a fearful battle in which, I suppose, thousands of men are being killed every day, one has the impression that there is no news. The evening papers are the same as the morning ones, the morning ones are the same as those of the night before, and the radio repeats what is in the papers. As to truthfulness of news, however, there is probably more suppression than downright lying. [8]A rather mundane example that, I think, illustrates the value of studying Orwell: it is not to get the answer to the problems of today, but to know what it was like to live “inside” history. The mainstream view now accepts Orwell’s criticisms of imperialism and authoritarianism, yet it should not be forgotten that this consensus needed to be won through arduous debates and real acts of courage. After all, Orwell himself wrote,
For all I know, by the time this book [Animal Farm] is published my view of the Soviet régime may be the generally-accepted one. But what use would that be in itself? To exchange one orthodoxy for another is not necessarily an advance.Orwell’s gift for future readers is simply his dedication to writing and to the truthful use of language. The publication of all his surviving works, far from being a material with which to lionize Orwell, is a great opportunity to scrutinize his arguments. For all his occasional silliness, it is true, as Christopher Hitchens put it, that “much can be accomplished by an individual who unites the qualities of intellectual honesty and moral courage”. [9]