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Experiences Near Death: Beyond Medicine and Religion
A person is seriously ill or involved in an accident and their heart stops beating; for a brief time they are clinically "dead." Once revived, the victim has a remarkable tale to typical narratives include feelings of great peace, out-of-body travel, tunnel sensations, life review, and
bright lights. These phenomena, often referred to as "near-death experiences," have spawned an entire pop industry dedicated to plumbing the depths of their mysteries, and they continue to inspire heated debate and raise fascinating questions about the nature of life and death. But most observers
assume that there are only two ways to interpret the near-death in the religious terms of life after death, or in the medical terms of the mechanics of the brain.
In Experiences Near Death , however, Allan Kellehear presents a revolutionary new approach to the field of "near-death studies," one that examines these episodes as they relate to the specific cultures from which they arise, helping us to understand what these visions are as a cultural and
psychological response and why they occur. Kellehear compares near-death experiences from all over the world--India, China, Guam, America, Australia, and New Zealand--revealing not only the similarities among them, but also the pertinent differences that can tell us much about the way people from
different cultures view their world. He recounts, for example, a near-death experience from Guam where people fly through the clouds to make invisible visits to living relatives; he compares experiences from hunter-gatherer societies to urban American ones; and in a fascinating discussion of the
bestselling children's story The Velveteen Rabbit , Kellehear examines its remarkable similarities to the Western near-death experience. He concludes that these visions are brought on by a profound experience of crisis, and are similar to visions brought on by other trauma such as bereavement, being
lost at sea, or trapped in a mine. People who have lived through these events, Kellehear notes, often see visions which are identical to those encountered during near-death experiences. Indeed, he finds that the near-death experience is a common reaction to a deep sense of separation from others,
and he includes it within a much larger group of human experiences. In addition, Kellehear provides an extensive look at community reactions to near-death experiences, and he also offers an indepth examination of much supposedly unbiased academic research into NDE. (In one eye-opening chapter, for
instance, he reveals some of the controversial reasons why neuroscience writers try so hard to have their theories accepted by the public).
The near-death experience continues to attract the attention of the popular press, but there have been few serious studies of this often contentious subject. Now, in Experiences Near Death , Kellehear uncovers intriguing evidence that sheds new light on a phenomenon that has fascinated and mystified
us all. These experiences force us to reflect on issues of personal significance (like hope and happiness) and show us how the many different perceptions of the near-death experience have become relevant to the anxieties and questions of our times.
bright lights. These phenomena, often referred to as "near-death experiences," have spawned an entire pop industry dedicated to plumbing the depths of their mysteries, and they continue to inspire heated debate and raise fascinating questions about the nature of life and death. But most observers
assume that there are only two ways to interpret the near-death in the religious terms of life after death, or in the medical terms of the mechanics of the brain.
In Experiences Near Death , however, Allan Kellehear presents a revolutionary new approach to the field of "near-death studies," one that examines these episodes as they relate to the specific cultures from which they arise, helping us to understand what these visions are as a cultural and
psychological response and why they occur. Kellehear compares near-death experiences from all over the world--India, China, Guam, America, Australia, and New Zealand--revealing not only the similarities among them, but also the pertinent differences that can tell us much about the way people from
different cultures view their world. He recounts, for example, a near-death experience from Guam where people fly through the clouds to make invisible visits to living relatives; he compares experiences from hunter-gatherer societies to urban American ones; and in a fascinating discussion of the
bestselling children's story The Velveteen Rabbit , Kellehear examines its remarkable similarities to the Western near-death experience. He concludes that these visions are brought on by a profound experience of crisis, and are similar to visions brought on by other trauma such as bereavement, being
lost at sea, or trapped in a mine. People who have lived through these events, Kellehear notes, often see visions which are identical to those encountered during near-death experiences. Indeed, he finds that the near-death experience is a common reaction to a deep sense of separation from others,
and he includes it within a much larger group of human experiences. In addition, Kellehear provides an extensive look at community reactions to near-death experiences, and he also offers an indepth examination of much supposedly unbiased academic research into NDE. (In one eye-opening chapter, for
instance, he reveals some of the controversial reasons why neuroscience writers try so hard to have their theories accepted by the public).
The near-death experience continues to attract the attention of the popular press, but there have been few serious studies of this often contentious subject. Now, in Experiences Near Death , Kellehear uncovers intriguing evidence that sheds new light on a phenomenon that has fascinated and mystified
us all. These experiences force us to reflect on issues of personal significance (like hope and happiness) and show us how the many different perceptions of the near-death experience have become relevant to the anxieties and questions of our times.
248 pages, Hardcover
First published January 4, 1996
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February 15, 2024
A SOCIAL SCIENTIST LOOKS AT THE NEAR-DEATH EXPERENCE
Author and sociologist Allan Kellehear wrote in the Preface to this 1996 book, “This book is a study of the near-death experience (NDE). I have chosen the title … to signal the most important way in which the present work departs from others on this subject. I believe that it is valuable to enable the idea of ‘experiences’ to encompass issues beyond the endlessly described features of the NDE… these issues… have critical bearing on any human understanding of death, including the NDE. ALL experiences near death---euthanasia, abortion NDEs, or ghosts---expose important divisions, anxieties, and uncertainties in any community. The NDE should be viewed against this complex and controversial background of experience… I have attempted to break away from the polarized and restricted parameters of religious or medical debate… to address these social and cultural meanings of the NDE.” (Pg. vii-viii)
He says in the first chapter, ‘My aim in this book is to challenge these attitudes toward the NDE by reexamining, and overturning the images that gave rise to them. The NDE is not a single monolithic entity always associated with death… overreliance on medical images and psychological explanations of the NDE has permitted these perspectives to attempt to explain OTHER social phenomena.” (Pg. 5) He adds, “I will show that the features of the NDE had little to do with being clinically dead. Simply being in physical danger, but in good health and consciously aware, is enough to elicit many of these experiences.” (Pg. 11)
He acknowledges, “The present review has not found tunnel experiences in any of the non-Western case material… The life review is the second feature of the Western NDE that seems to be limited in other cultures. Indian and Chinese NDEs seem to exhibit features of the life review, but NDEs in Australia, the Pacific, and Native North America do not. This might be explained by the scarcity of cases from these areas. A larger sample from these areas might turn up NDEs with life review. There is, however, much in the medical and anthropological literature to suggest that this will not be the case.” (Pg. 35, 37)
He suggests, “NDEs are social phenomena. We have seen how features of the NDE vary across cultures, but… I want to demonstrate that it is perceived social circumstances that play the crucial role in creating the experience itself… changing social conditions lead to altered perceptions and experiences of the self and the world… far from being abnormal experiences, NDEs are surprisingly common, normal responses to uncommon, unusual circumstances.” (Pg. 42)
He argues, “Like the drug-induced explanations of NDE, the cerebral anoxia explanation is seen as only one possible explanation. This is because it is clear that not all NDEs occur to those who are unconscious and near death… most of the characteristics of NDEs can involve people who are not dying, but rather who are in good health but in physical danger. The occurrence of NDEs in people who are not actually dying has been widely recognized… Although endorphins are occasionally thought to do more than produce analgesia, it is rare to observe runners experiencing life review, tunnel sensation, and meetings with deceased relatives.” (Pg. 121)
He notes, “Melvin Morse has recently demonstrated how childhood NDEs are strikingly similar to adult versions. He suggests that … cultural conditioning may play little or no part in the NDE… the conclusion is perhaps premature… Socialization is incremental and gradual… The similarity of childhood NDEs to adult versions does not suggest that conditioning is unimportant. Rather, it can just as readily be interpreted as evidence that such conditioning occurs rather early.” (Pg. 153)
He points out, “it must be remembered that the full range of the NDE is an artifact of the composite picture put together by Moody and repeated endlessly in the NDE literature. Few people actually experience all of these images.” (Pg. 162)
He explains, “I have not foreclosed on the possibility of life after death (or on neuroscientific explanations, for that matter) because my own sociological explanations are not reductionist ones. I have always maintained that sociology is a social science, not an omniscience. The question of life after death is on for religion, philosophy, and psychic research, and it is unfair to criticize sociology for not being one of these disciplines or for not sharing their interest in this question. That question has never been one of the declared subjects of study for sociology, and hence there are no conceptual or methodological tools to which we might look to for an answer to it.” (Pg. 178)
He cautions, “Interviews are valuable but, like all methods, not infallible… even honest and open interviews have their limits. This is because not everyone knows why they act, think or feel, or believe as they do. Asking them does not always help. In this case, interview data are not more valid than data from secondary analysis. There are two reasons for this. First, there are imperfections of recall that result in selectivity of memory; there are problems of interviewer bias; and there are problems of interviewed relationships that can result in interviewees responding to an expectation… Second, once the data are collected, however great their integrity, the problem of interpretation begins. Simply collecting the facts does not convey an experience. Telling the experience to others requires the story to be organized… No search for themes in other people’s accounts is value neutral.” (Pg. 186)
This somewhat skeptical analysis will be of interest to those studying NDEs.
Author and sociologist Allan Kellehear wrote in the Preface to this 1996 book, “This book is a study of the near-death experience (NDE). I have chosen the title … to signal the most important way in which the present work departs from others on this subject. I believe that it is valuable to enable the idea of ‘experiences’ to encompass issues beyond the endlessly described features of the NDE… these issues… have critical bearing on any human understanding of death, including the NDE. ALL experiences near death---euthanasia, abortion NDEs, or ghosts---expose important divisions, anxieties, and uncertainties in any community. The NDE should be viewed against this complex and controversial background of experience… I have attempted to break away from the polarized and restricted parameters of religious or medical debate… to address these social and cultural meanings of the NDE.” (Pg. vii-viii)
He says in the first chapter, ‘My aim in this book is to challenge these attitudes toward the NDE by reexamining, and overturning the images that gave rise to them. The NDE is not a single monolithic entity always associated with death… overreliance on medical images and psychological explanations of the NDE has permitted these perspectives to attempt to explain OTHER social phenomena.” (Pg. 5) He adds, “I will show that the features of the NDE had little to do with being clinically dead. Simply being in physical danger, but in good health and consciously aware, is enough to elicit many of these experiences.” (Pg. 11)
He acknowledges, “The present review has not found tunnel experiences in any of the non-Western case material… The life review is the second feature of the Western NDE that seems to be limited in other cultures. Indian and Chinese NDEs seem to exhibit features of the life review, but NDEs in Australia, the Pacific, and Native North America do not. This might be explained by the scarcity of cases from these areas. A larger sample from these areas might turn up NDEs with life review. There is, however, much in the medical and anthropological literature to suggest that this will not be the case.” (Pg. 35, 37)
He suggests, “NDEs are social phenomena. We have seen how features of the NDE vary across cultures, but… I want to demonstrate that it is perceived social circumstances that play the crucial role in creating the experience itself… changing social conditions lead to altered perceptions and experiences of the self and the world… far from being abnormal experiences, NDEs are surprisingly common, normal responses to uncommon, unusual circumstances.” (Pg. 42)
He argues, “Like the drug-induced explanations of NDE, the cerebral anoxia explanation is seen as only one possible explanation. This is because it is clear that not all NDEs occur to those who are unconscious and near death… most of the characteristics of NDEs can involve people who are not dying, but rather who are in good health but in physical danger. The occurrence of NDEs in people who are not actually dying has been widely recognized… Although endorphins are occasionally thought to do more than produce analgesia, it is rare to observe runners experiencing life review, tunnel sensation, and meetings with deceased relatives.” (Pg. 121)
He notes, “Melvin Morse has recently demonstrated how childhood NDEs are strikingly similar to adult versions. He suggests that … cultural conditioning may play little or no part in the NDE… the conclusion is perhaps premature… Socialization is incremental and gradual… The similarity of childhood NDEs to adult versions does not suggest that conditioning is unimportant. Rather, it can just as readily be interpreted as evidence that such conditioning occurs rather early.” (Pg. 153)
He points out, “it must be remembered that the full range of the NDE is an artifact of the composite picture put together by Moody and repeated endlessly in the NDE literature. Few people actually experience all of these images.” (Pg. 162)
He explains, “I have not foreclosed on the possibility of life after death (or on neuroscientific explanations, for that matter) because my own sociological explanations are not reductionist ones. I have always maintained that sociology is a social science, not an omniscience. The question of life after death is on for religion, philosophy, and psychic research, and it is unfair to criticize sociology for not being one of these disciplines or for not sharing their interest in this question. That question has never been one of the declared subjects of study for sociology, and hence there are no conceptual or methodological tools to which we might look to for an answer to it.” (Pg. 178)
He cautions, “Interviews are valuable but, like all methods, not infallible… even honest and open interviews have their limits. This is because not everyone knows why they act, think or feel, or believe as they do. Asking them does not always help. In this case, interview data are not more valid than data from secondary analysis. There are two reasons for this. First, there are imperfections of recall that result in selectivity of memory; there are problems of interviewer bias; and there are problems of interviewed relationships that can result in interviewees responding to an expectation… Second, once the data are collected, however great their integrity, the problem of interpretation begins. Simply collecting the facts does not convey an experience. Telling the experience to others requires the story to be organized… No search for themes in other people’s accounts is value neutral.” (Pg. 186)
This somewhat skeptical analysis will be of interest to those studying NDEs.
Displaying 1 of 1 review