Nationalism and African Intellectuals

by Toyin Falola

This book is about how African intellectuals, influenced primarily by nationalism, have addressed the inter-related issues of power, identity politics, self-assertion and autonomy for themselves and their continent, from the mid-nineteenth century onward. Their major goal was to create a 'better Africa' by connecting nationalism to knowledge. The results have been mixed, from the glorious euphoria of the success of anti-colonial movements to the depressing circumstances of the African condition as we enter a new millennium. As the intellectual elite is a creation of the Western formal school system, the ideas it generated are also connected to the larger world of scholarship. This world is, in turn, shaped by European contacts with Africa from the fifteenth century onward, the politics of the Cold War, and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union. In essence, Africa and its elite cannot be fully understood without also considering the West and changing global politics. Neither can the academic and media contributions by non-Africans be ignored, as these also affect the ways that Africans think about themselves and their continent. Nationalism and African Intellectuals examines intellectuals' ambivalent relationships with the colonial apparatus and subsequent nation-state formations; the contradictions manifested within pan-Africanism and nationalism; and the relation of academic institutions and intellectual production to the state during the nationalism period and beyond. Toyin Falola is the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities and University Distinguished Teaching Professor at the University of Texas at Austin.

400 pages, Hardcover

First published August 1, 2002

About the author

Toyin Omoyeni Falola is a Nigerian historian and professor of African Studies. He is currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin. Falola earned his B.A. and Ph.D. (1981) in History at the University of Ife, Ile-Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), in Nigeria. He is a Fellow of the Historical Society of Nigeria and of the Nigerian Academy of Letters. Falola is author and editor of more than one hundred books, and he is the general editor of the Cambria African Studies Series (Cambria Press), Falola served as the president of the African Studies Association in 2014 and 2015.

Reviews

[Yannicke · Rating 3 out of 5]

Toyin Falola may be regarded as one of the most prolific historians of Africa. Nationalism and African Intellectuals, testifies to his broad knowledge and experience. It provides an analysis of the intersections between nationalism and African intellectuals; and shows how nationalism has shaped the production of knowledge and influenced politics in Africa since the nineteenth century. Falola has divided his book in three thematic parts: Part one examines the cultural foundation of the African intellectual tradition and its subsequent development, including an analysis of leading figures and key questions. Part two shifts focus to the large themes of nationalism and Pan-Africanism, both of which Falola discusses in the context of European imperialism. Finally, part three investigates the emergence of the African academy, which was, according to Falola, an outcome of nationalism. What appears then, is a broad overview of the development of nationalism and the intelligentsia in Africa. Yet unfortunately, what Falola’s book provides in terms of breath, it fails to deliver in terms of depth, often leaving the reader dissatisfied and with many unanswered questions.

Part 1 – Nationalism and Culture
In this first section Falola explores the cultural foundation of African nationalism. To do so he focuses on the ‘modern’ intelligentsia; that is, he limits his investigation to the nineteenth- and twentieth century intellectuals who owe their origins to the spread of Western formal education.
Chapter 1 explores the values and visions of this elite, whose education was provided by, and mostly in, European nations. Whilst the colonial government created this educational system in order to make Africans subordinate to Europeans, for Africans education was an agency of social change, a means to exercise power. In the nineteenth century, this meant that the African elite often chose the path of collaboration to consolidate their power and educate their offspring. For most of the colonial period however, higher education was underdeveloped throughout the continent and only took flight after African countries obtained their independence. From this moment onwards, education became an important part of national politics.
Falola’s first chapter is clearly an introductory, general account; he does not linger on any topic, which at times results in a rather unsatisfactory read. Failing to discuss in further detail the choices made by the colonizers and their respective consequences for the emergence of an African educated elite, Falola continues his chapter with a characterization of the intellectual agenda and the issues at stake for the newly emerging African intelligentsia. Whilst these intellectuals may be regarded as ‘an imitation of the Western academy’, they were at the same time characterized by an obsession for intellectual independence, which is manifested in their great creativity and attempts to leave more room for indigenous practices than one might expect. Yet, while Falola triggers the reader’s curiosity by hinting at this creativity on the part of African intellectuals, he fails to consider this topic any further.
What Falola’s account suggests, is that colonial policies were the most important determining factor in shaping ideas and visions among the African elite. However, contrary to what is often thought, this process did not result in a coherent nationalist effort by like-minded Africans. Falola shows that African nationalism is in fact diverse and can be divided into a number of ‘schools’,

[s]ome of which can be defined as ‘traditionalists’, for insisting that the old ways are better, […whilst] at the other extreme [one can find] the ‘assimilationists’, who argue that change can come if Africans accept Western civilization. [Finally] there are the ‘middle-roaders’, who advocate embracing certain aspects of Western civilization while retaining many aspects of tradition. (p.30)

In his description of the different varieties of nationalism, Falola provides a summary of their main tenets and opinion leaders, including the early reflections of Edward Wilmot Blyden, Marcus Garvey and Cheikh Anta Diop. One current which he describes in more detail is ‘Ethiopianism’, which was characterized by a desire for empowerment and solutions in African traditions and values. Its biggest advocates, including Blyden and Garvey would become the leaders of what Falola calls ‘African cultural nationalism’, which formed a clear source of inspiration for pan-Africanists and the foundation for later, more radical forms of nationalism.
In the second chapter Falola describes the key figures of cultural nationalism, showing that, despite their differences, these intellectuals shared an ideological sentiment – a profound pride of the ‘black race’ - which they developed through a transnational elite network that emerged during the nineteenth century. One important career path for intellectuals involved in this network was the writing of African histories, which were instrumental in asserting a distinct African identity. Whilst this ideology challenged European racial and imperial arrogance, not all writers rejected the European ideas altogether. Important figures such as Johnson and Reindorf welcomed certain aspects of Western culture and religion, whilst still seeking to preserve their own cultural, historical heritage. In contrast, Edward Blyden - a returning key figure in Falola’s account - took a much more radical stance, which his successors would later turn into action: In order to gather support of the masses these elites completely rejected European ideas and lifestyles and celebrated African culture.
Preceding this more radical stage however, the cultural nationalist intellectuals of the time often sought accommodation with colonialism. What they were mostly interested in, was the cultural dimension of imperialism; and hence these interwar-scholars did not demand complete independence, but rather identified themselves as reformers or moderators. This ambition however, was often limited by the pursuit of personal economic and political self-interest. In addition, many scholars were eclectic in their cultural choices, expressing their love of cigars, English literature, Bach Mozart, and other manifestations of Western high culture. In my opinion, these contradictions in the behavior of the African intelligentsia is a reflection of the inherent ambiguities in African attitudes towards the West in general. Unfortunately however, Falola again fails to go into detail here. The adoption of several ‘Western’ cultural expressions testifies to intense, and probably friendly, interaction between African and Western intellectuals. A more thorough investigation of these relationships would have been very interesting, since undoubtedly personal feelings towards Western colonizers have influenced the formation and expression of nationalist sentiments among African intellectuals.

Part 2 – Nationalism and Pan-Africanism
In this second section Falola turns his attention to Pan-Africanism, analyzing its relationship to nationalism and nation-building. The opening of chapter 3 seems to set a clear tone: “Nationalism gave birth to Pan-Africanism, Pan-Africanism radicalized nationalism, and both combined to contribute to the fall of the European empires in Africa”(p. 98). However, in the rest of the chapter Falola qualifies this idea, showing that nationalism, although it may have triumphed over colonialism, failed to create the stable nation-states that it set out to achieve. Focusing on the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial, the transformation of the nature of nationalism is discussed: In the late nineteenth- and early twentieth century the cultural nationalist agenda was altered; incorporating ideals of sovereignty and immediate freedom from colonial rule. The intelligentsia of the time became more critical of the system, and men such as Kwame Nkrumah and Nnamdi Azikiwi employed their political talent to mobilize the masses. Falola identifies a number of forces that propelled their combative nationalism that succeeded the more accomodationist cultural nationalism: An increasing number of educated Africans, and the experience of World War II, combined with post-war colonial policies that provoked anticolonial reactions, led to radicalization and a growing political consciousness among the grassroots.
The nationalist movement and the subsequent gain of independence was a glorious – albeit short lived – period in African history. Once the goal of independence was achieved, Falola notes that the African intellectuals and new leaders were faced with new challenges; they had to redefine nationalism from an anticolonial phenomenon to an ideology that could foster nation-building. The intelligentsia had organized their campaigns around anticolonial feelings, but once the Europeans left, they no longer had this strong commonality to rely on. Instead, the growth of divisive ethnic solidarities, the failure of the new state’s economies and corruption eventually contributed to the failure of African nation-building. Moreover, in their struggle to keep their nations in check, the new leaders turned to militaristic, one-party systems: “The government itself became the enemy of the people it claimed to be serving”(p.130). Thus, while the political leaders have been rather successful in their politics of exclusion - characterizing other countries as different -, they have been unsuccessful in building patriotism and nationalism among their people.
In Chapter 4 Falola traces the development of Pan-Africanism in the context of the historical processes described in the foregoing chapter. This particular organization does not benefit the clarity of his argument; a more chronological outline would have allowed for making the relationship between the different phases of nationalism and the transformations of Pan-Africanism more explicit. Beginning with a discussion of ‘old’ Pan-Africanism, Falola does succeed in describing its different strands and movements in a clear and concise manner. As an idea and a movement at the same time, Pan-Africanism gained strength in the first half of the twentieth century; led by people like Marcus Garvey and Kwame Nkrumah, and organized in part through intellectual and political networks established in the West. It would have been interesting if Falola had provided more information about the establishment of such networks; about the actions, education and growth of African intelligentsia within the European centers, but once more he only reveals the figurative ‘tip of the iceberg’ and continues his narrative with another issue.
Falola introduces the Organization of African Union (OAU) as exemplary for the real but limited power of the pan-Africanist movement: Contrary to the hopes of Nkrumah and other fervent pan-Africanists, the newly independent countries did not surrender any rights to this African Union. Clearly, there was tension among the pioneer leaders about the kind of unity they wanted. Thus, although the OAU has served as a Pan-Africanist agency, its efforts have often been frustrated. However, Falola demonstrates that Pan-Africanism is a persistent movement, that has been able to re-invent itself depending on the historical context. Beginning as a movement to repatriate African diaspora back to their homelands, one of its latest manifestations is the call for reparations seeking the empowerment of Africa in various ways.
In the concluding section of this chapter Falola zooms in on the leading intellectual ideology of the new Pan-Africanism; Afrocentricity. It is defined as “a scholarship and politics that place African ideals ‘at the center of any analysis that involves African culture and behavior’, [deemed necessary for Africans] to transform their future”(p.168). Whilst the socialist intellectual ideology of the old Pan-Africanism cut across color and boundaries, enabling Pan-Africanists to create alliances with other organizations whose membership was not necessarily black, Afrocentricity is based on identity politics, which brings along severe problems. However, despite these obstacles and the great divisions among diasporas and power rivalries among the leaders of African nations, Falola concludes that pan-Africanism and the dream of a united Africa is still alive in the imagination of many intellectuals.

Part 3 - Nationalism and the Academy
Where in part 1 and 2 at times Falola seems to have lost sight of the African intellectuals in his narrative, the final part of his book brings them back into focus by discussing their primary ‘haven’; the African universities. Although the ‘nationalist phase’ was fertile ground for their emergence, the academic institutions have transformed considerably – and unfortunately declined dramatically - in response to the different phases of nationalism, national and ethnic politics, and waning economies. In this chapter Falola sketches this history, which begins in the first half of the twentieth century, with the emergence of the first modern universities in sub-Saharan Africa. These universities were mostly born after World War II, and were distinctly ‘colonial’ in their orientation. In content, attendees as well as physical appearance, they were highly elitist. Separated from the city, these universities were self-sufficient, luxurious municipalities, offering programs defined in European terms which served to transmit Western ideas to their African students.
After independence the universities hoped to retain their high educational standards, but do away with their dependence on Europe. The nationalization, Africanization and establishment of new universities posed serious challenges; not only because there was a lack of qualified Africans, but also because “[s]uggestions for adapting the new universities to African conditions were often interpreted as an attempt to degrade them […]”(pp.198-199). In addition, the state had a notable interest in defining and controlling the universities, since they were seen as a vital force in the nation-building projects of the new African states; instrumental for the state to produce good and loyal citizens. Thus, within a generation after independence the universities came under increasing scrutiny and the role of the scholar as critic of society and government was dramatically marginalized. As a result of these pressures and the weakened African economies, since the 1980s, quality of education was degraded, autonomy of the universities curtailed, quietism has become a common strategy among scholars and the so-called ‘brain-drain’ has reached epidemic proportions. Still, whilst postcolonial politics and economics have caused this degradation of the academy, Falola has faith in the academy’s future, but only if African universities seek international cooperation and develop interuniversity networks in a Pan-Africanist spirit.
In the chapter that follows Falola uses the writing of nationalist historiography as an example of the spirit of the African academy and its production of knowledge. “[This] focus […] serves to show how pioneer university scholars used African history as a counter-discourse against colonial bias, domination, and exploitation”(p.xx). History was used to define a country’s national identity; and this pursuit became especially successful in the 1950s and 1960s when teaching curricula no longer simply reflected the colonial worldview. Kenneth Onwuka Dike and other pioneer scholars attempted to recover the African past, by connecting with earlier views of cultural nationalists to enhance the identity of the nation, and at the same time protect the ‘tribe’ within the modern country. The Ibadan University in Nigeria, under Dike’s leadership, created a successful history program which vigorously attacked the Eurocentric idea that Africa was ‘without history’. In addition to Ibadan, Falola discusses the Department of History at the University of Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania: “Although [more] radical in focus, it [contributed] to nationalist historiography in the sense that it showed a commitment to the elaboration of the greatness of the African past, to the use of oral sources as historical evidence […] and to the liberation of African history from ‘imperial domination’”(p. 251).
Moving away from the historical craft, in the final chapter Falola discusses the African university intellectuals in more general terms and places them within the broader frame of global scholarship and politics. The new challenges of the changing world order have a profound effect on the intellectuals and their production of knowledge. Whereas in the context of rising nationalism and power-interests of the Cold War the study of Africa became one of the fastest growing fields, in the 1980s and 1990s things changed for the worse. In Africa, with a deepening economic crisis, the emergence of authoritarian regimes and the diminishing attention from global powers, production of knowledge almost came to a halt. Yet, studies about Africa, despite numerous obstacles are still alive. What they suffer from however, is the fact that they are often characterized by a focus on the degeneration of the continent and a clear aim to ‘find a solution for Africa’. Studies into ‘good governance’ and democracy are numerous, but they often tend to apply Western models to the African situation. Falola suggests that this tendency is symptomatic for the perception of Africa in the West, and he provides a long list of characteristics that sum up this Western attitude. To tackle these problems he offers another list of issues that should be dealt with. What he seems to argue is that the study of Africa must be re-directed and developed in an alternative and constructive manner.
Although one would expect Falola to redirect his focus to African intellectuals and their current position in the African academy, he continues – and, surprisingly, concludes – his chapter with a discussion of Africans in the Western Academies. Although this discussion is in itself very interesting, it is curious that Falola, in his concluding pages tackles a completely new topic. He briefly touches upon the difficulties faced by migrant intellectuals in Western institutions, and within two pages introduces the different ways in which migrants occupy a new space in scholarship. Again ‘touching upon’ is all the author does, which is unfortunate since these issues deserve a more thorough investigation as they are incredibly relevant for the African intellectuals of today and of the future.

Concluding remarks
Falola’s closing chapter is symptomatic for the book in its entirety. Whilst he touches upon many interesting themes, the end product does not live up to their potential. That is, it seems to amount to little more than a well-documented overview of the development of intellectuals and nationalism in Africa. This, however, is an accomplishment that should not be underestimated: The book provides a great introduction to the topic, and it appears to cover most crucial components that should have a place in the discussion of African intellectuals. Falola’s Nationalism and African Intellectuals may at times leave the reader somewhat frustrated and unsatisfied. However, if perceived as a first step to further investigation, Falola has done an outstanding job. The abundant footnotes, and use of a vast amount of sources can provide the curious mind with a sense of direction for further reading.