In the decades between German unification and the demise of the Weimar Republic, German Jewry negotiated their collective and individual identity under the impression of legal emancipation, continued antisemitism, the emergence of Zionism and Socialism, the First World War, and revolution and the republic. For many German Jews liberalism and also increasingly Socialism became attractive propositions. Yet conservative parties and political positions right-of-center also held appeal for some German Jews.
Between Heimat and Hatred studies German Jews involved in ventures that were from the beginning, or became increasingly, of the Right. Jewish agricultural settlement, Jews' participation in the so-called "Defense of Germandom in the East", their place in military and veteran circles and finally right-of-center politics form the core of this book. These topics created a web of social activities and political persuasions neither entirely conservative nor entirely liberal.
For those German Jews engaging with these issues, their motivation came from sincere love of their German Heimat-a term for home imbued with a deep sense of belonging-and from their middle-class environment, as well as to repudiate antisemitic stereotypes of rootlessness, intellectualism or cosmopolitanism. This tension stands at the heart of the book. The book also asks when did the need for self-defense start to outweigh motivations of patriotism and class? Until when could German Jews espouse views to the right of the political spectrum without appearing extreme to either Jews or non-Jews?
In an exploration of identity and exclusion, Philipp Nielsen locates the moments when active Jewish members of conservative projects became the radical other. He notes that the decisive stage of the transformation of the German Right occurred precisely during a period of republican stabilization, when even mainstream right-of-center politics abandoned the state-centric, Volk-based ethnic concepts of the Weimar republic.
The book builds on recent studies of Jews' relation to German nationalism, the experience of German Jews away from the large cities, and the increasing interest in Germans' obsession with regional roots and the East. The study follows these lines of inquiry to investigate the participation of some German Jews in projects dedicated to originally, or increasingly, illiberal projects. As such it shines light on an area in which Jewish participation has thus far only been treated as an afterthought and illuminates both Jewish and German history afresh.
During the Weimar Republic, most Jews voted for parties of the left and center-left. But this book discusses a few notable Jews who favored more conservative politicians- why they did so, and why the Right turned against them and towards Nazism.
The story begins with the German monarchy that ended in 1918. The Conservative Party (the predecessor to Weimar's far-right DNVP or German National People's Party) was the most pro-monarchy, pro-religion, pro-Army party. Since Jews in prewar Germany were often upwardly mobile, it made sense for many to support the status quo, and thus to support the Conservatives or the more moderate National Liberals.
After World War I ended the monarchy, the parties realigned. The right wing of the Conservatives became the monarchist DNVP and gradually became more anti-Semitic, and some more moderate conservatives joined most National Liberals in the DVP (German People's Party) . Because the DNVP was anti-Semitic, right-wing Jews generally favored the DVP.
When the Great Depression hit Germany (and even in the last few years before that), the Nazis became more popular, and the DNVP became even more anti-Semitic in order to compete with them. The DVP simply collapsed; their share of the nationwide vote fell from 8.7 percent in 1928 to 1.2 percent in 1932. And even the DVP was afraid to elevate Jews to leadership positions by this time, even though it was still willing to compete for Jewish votes.
What changed? Nielsen suggests that the meaning of German conservatism changed. Before the 1920s, German conservatism was a status quo ideology, and thus a project that could easily accommodate Jews. After the traditional state collapsed, monarchism ceased to be relevant for most German voters, and the anti-Semitic Right's emphasis on the German race seemed more relevant.