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Coming Home: Reclaiming America's Conservative Soul
Americans have been forced from their homes. Their jobs have been outsourced, their neighborhoods torn down to make room for freeways, their churches shuttered or taken over by social justice warriors, and their very families eviscerated by government programs that assume their functions and a hostile elite that deems them oppressive. Conservatives have always defended these elements of a rooted life as crucial to maintaining cultural continuity in the face of changing circumstances. Unfortunately, official “conservatism” has become fixated on abstract claims about freedom and the profits of “creative destruction.”
Conservatism has never been the only voice in America, but it is the most distinctively American voice, emerging from the customs, norms, and dispositions of its people and grounded in the conviction that the capacity for self-governance provides a distinctly human dignity. Emphasizing the ongoing strength and importance of the conservative tradition, the authors describe our Constitution’s emphasis on maintaining order and balance and protecting the primary institutions of local life. Also important here is an understanding of changes in American demographics, economics, and politics. These changes complicated attempts to address the fundamentally antitraditional nature of slavery and Jim Crow, the destructive effects of globalism, and the increasing desire to look on the federal government as the guarantor of security and happiness.
To reclaim our home as a people, we must rebuild the natural associations and primary institutions within which we live. This means protecting the fundamental relationships that make up our way of life. From philosophy to home construction, from theology to commerce, from charity to the essentials of household management, our ongoing practices are the source of our knowledge of truth, of one another, and of how we may live well together.
Conservatism has never been the only voice in America, but it is the most distinctively American voice, emerging from the customs, norms, and dispositions of its people and grounded in the conviction that the capacity for self-governance provides a distinctly human dignity. Emphasizing the ongoing strength and importance of the conservative tradition, the authors describe our Constitution’s emphasis on maintaining order and balance and protecting the primary institutions of local life. Also important here is an understanding of changes in American demographics, economics, and politics. These changes complicated attempts to address the fundamentally antitraditional nature of slavery and Jim Crow, the destructive effects of globalism, and the increasing desire to look on the federal government as the guarantor of security and happiness.
To reclaim our home as a people, we must rebuild the natural associations and primary institutions within which we live. This means protecting the fundamental relationships that make up our way of life. From philosophy to home construction, from theology to commerce, from charity to the essentials of household management, our ongoing practices are the source of our knowledge of truth, of one another, and of how we may live well together.
- GenresPolitics
192 pages, Hardcover
Published May 14, 2019
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March 15, 2020
Coming Home is something of a unique book, in that its main purpose appears to be to introduce conservatives to conservatism. That is, the authors, Bruce Frohnen and Ted V. McAllister, take readers through a short history of the foundations of conservatism and its development as a movement in the United States, point out where and when it went astray, and seek for ways to reclaim traditional conservatism today and apply its principles to our modern problems.
The authors start by noting that Americans today are experiencing an prolonged and acute sense of spiritual, social, and political homelessness. This "disorientation of our times" is the result of a "colossal regulatory system" of government on one side combined with a "new globalism" in politics and economics, both exacerbated by a insidious interpretation of individualism that has turned our attentions inward rather than outward, to our wants rather than our responsibilities. This confluence of factors explains recent political trends, as citizens grapple with these monumental changes and struggle to understand and cope with the loss of principles and institutions that previously informed Americans' lives. And while many today may not understand what has been lost, they feel intuitively that home has gone with it.
When the authors, then, instruct us how to "reclaim America's conservative soul," they mean reclaiming the tradition of self-rule, along with the principles and historical developments on which it is based. Practically what this amounts to is a recommendation for decentralization, not in politics only but also in economics and society. Frohnen and McAllister believe not only in the re-empowerment of localities (they prefer the term "townships"), but in a rebuilding of physical communities - groups like churches and civic institutions in which people know, associate with, serve, and are served by others. Against these things modern "bigness" - big government, big business, globalized communication - contends, and often prevails.
None of this is a libertarian or socialist screed. The authors are neither arguing against government per se, nor even against a sufficiently powerful federal government, and they are not denying the value of the free market. Rather, their point is that if we are to rule ourselves in own unique communities, as our ancestors did, we will need to start thinking about our communities as our homes, and not simply places we inhabit, places that can be ignored when we live in them and that have no higher hold on our loyalties than their economic value supplies.
Some of this, particularly their views on economics, may be uncomfortable for conservatives who have been conditioned to think of big business as the enemy of big government, and vice versa (a conception that has never been entirely accurate). For this reason, Frohnen and McAllister spend a few chapters detailing the development of the conservative movement, particularly after World War II. They point out that, following the war, conservatism was split between two camps, one (the "traditionalists") who relied on the historical development of society to guide and moderate social change, and others (the "fusionists") who approached the challenges of the Cold War and creeping social liberalism with a more abstract approach. Ultimately, the fusionists acquired more influence in the burgeoning conservative movement, and were later joined by neoconservatives, who were often former liberals who hated communism.
The effect of these developments was that conservatism was often reduced from a philosophy to politics, from an understanding of the world to useful slogans. Conservatism, rather than being a mindset, became about freedom, capitalism, and individual rights. None of these are, in themselves, undesirable, but taken by themselves, without context, they became an ideology, pursued for its own sake. For a while it seemed that this trade-off was successful, personified as it was by Ronald Reagan who led America to an actual victory in the Cold War, and led conservatism to an apparent victory over liberalism. But conservatism, having been divested over the preceding decades of much of its substance, could not sustain its successes. Ultimately, the authors conclude, “Cold War conservatism gained the world and lost its soul."
Reclaiming that soul, and returning to self-governing communities, would entail a change in mindset on a variety of fronts. From the aforementioned refocusing on our local communities, to a redefinition of the purpose of economics (which the authors say is "is to provide the material sustenance to make home possible"); from a rediscovery of religious faith to a redefinition of the nation (which they call "a community of communities"); from the kindergarten classroom to college campus, what is recommended here is not a program of policy proposals. It is rather a reorientation towards what matters, an excavation through the deep muck of individualism, materialism, and ideology to the principles that have always been at the root of conservatism - and of American society.
For conservatives, and really any Americans who recognize that much has gone awry in our society, Coming Home is an excellent resource. If Frohnen and McAllister are right that the political and social upheaval of our time comes from a sense of homelessness, then surely returning to conservative principles is necessary. As they conclude, "Rejecting ideology itself along with the temptation to seek simplistic, ideological solutions to our current situation, we can refocus our energies where they belong, on the particular communities in which we live. Living as we ought, as full participants in the communities of family, church, and local associations, we will by this very mode of life help to rebuild home for ourselves and those we love."
The authors start by noting that Americans today are experiencing an prolonged and acute sense of spiritual, social, and political homelessness. This "disorientation of our times" is the result of a "colossal regulatory system" of government on one side combined with a "new globalism" in politics and economics, both exacerbated by a insidious interpretation of individualism that has turned our attentions inward rather than outward, to our wants rather than our responsibilities. This confluence of factors explains recent political trends, as citizens grapple with these monumental changes and struggle to understand and cope with the loss of principles and institutions that previously informed Americans' lives. And while many today may not understand what has been lost, they feel intuitively that home has gone with it.
When the authors, then, instruct us how to "reclaim America's conservative soul," they mean reclaiming the tradition of self-rule, along with the principles and historical developments on which it is based. Practically what this amounts to is a recommendation for decentralization, not in politics only but also in economics and society. Frohnen and McAllister believe not only in the re-empowerment of localities (they prefer the term "townships"), but in a rebuilding of physical communities - groups like churches and civic institutions in which people know, associate with, serve, and are served by others. Against these things modern "bigness" - big government, big business, globalized communication - contends, and often prevails.
None of this is a libertarian or socialist screed. The authors are neither arguing against government per se, nor even against a sufficiently powerful federal government, and they are not denying the value of the free market. Rather, their point is that if we are to rule ourselves in own unique communities, as our ancestors did, we will need to start thinking about our communities as our homes, and not simply places we inhabit, places that can be ignored when we live in them and that have no higher hold on our loyalties than their economic value supplies.
Some of this, particularly their views on economics, may be uncomfortable for conservatives who have been conditioned to think of big business as the enemy of big government, and vice versa (a conception that has never been entirely accurate). For this reason, Frohnen and McAllister spend a few chapters detailing the development of the conservative movement, particularly after World War II. They point out that, following the war, conservatism was split between two camps, one (the "traditionalists") who relied on the historical development of society to guide and moderate social change, and others (the "fusionists") who approached the challenges of the Cold War and creeping social liberalism with a more abstract approach. Ultimately, the fusionists acquired more influence in the burgeoning conservative movement, and were later joined by neoconservatives, who were often former liberals who hated communism.
The effect of these developments was that conservatism was often reduced from a philosophy to politics, from an understanding of the world to useful slogans. Conservatism, rather than being a mindset, became about freedom, capitalism, and individual rights. None of these are, in themselves, undesirable, but taken by themselves, without context, they became an ideology, pursued for its own sake. For a while it seemed that this trade-off was successful, personified as it was by Ronald Reagan who led America to an actual victory in the Cold War, and led conservatism to an apparent victory over liberalism. But conservatism, having been divested over the preceding decades of much of its substance, could not sustain its successes. Ultimately, the authors conclude, “Cold War conservatism gained the world and lost its soul."
Reclaiming that soul, and returning to self-governing communities, would entail a change in mindset on a variety of fronts. From the aforementioned refocusing on our local communities, to a redefinition of the purpose of economics (which the authors say is "is to provide the material sustenance to make home possible"); from a rediscovery of religious faith to a redefinition of the nation (which they call "a community of communities"); from the kindergarten classroom to college campus, what is recommended here is not a program of policy proposals. It is rather a reorientation towards what matters, an excavation through the deep muck of individualism, materialism, and ideology to the principles that have always been at the root of conservatism - and of American society.
For conservatives, and really any Americans who recognize that much has gone awry in our society, Coming Home is an excellent resource. If Frohnen and McAllister are right that the political and social upheaval of our time comes from a sense of homelessness, then surely returning to conservative principles is necessary. As they conclude, "Rejecting ideology itself along with the temptation to seek simplistic, ideological solutions to our current situation, we can refocus our energies where they belong, on the particular communities in which we live. Living as we ought, as full participants in the communities of family, church, and local associations, we will by this very mode of life help to rebuild home for ourselves and those we love."
November 9, 2020
I enjoyed this book very much, but I also felt it’s limitations.
The authors split the book in two parts: Part I is a short history of conservatism in American and Part II provides directives for conservatism in our current time. The history was good for what it is intended to be—a simple telling of the American conservative story for the young and the unfamiliar. It is not meant for the skeptic or the critic. But it doesn’t have to be. This work is unashamedly nonpolemical. We need books that are defensive and argumemetative but we also need ones that are purposefully noncontroversial. So, if the reader is already persuaded of the principles of conservatism, and if the reader trusts the authors, then this history works really well as a way of tracing the conservative current from the American founding to present day.
In Part II, Frohnen and McAllister take us through the areas of our society that need repair. These include: local government, family, religion, religious and community associations, work and the economy, immigration, public schools and universities. For each of these, the discussion was helpful and I agreed with nearly all of it, but I wish they would have moved further towards specifics. Very little space is used to discuss how conservatives can meet the challenges of our time (in most chapters it amounts to a paragraph or only a few sentences). I understand the desire to avoid a reduction to policy points, but I also see the need for the authors to model how a modern-day conservative can work out his principles in the current environment. I’m not sure that any conservative would disagree with the needs addressed in Part II, though many may be unsure about what type of action their conservative principles should lead to. In the authors’ words, we need to consider “not just what is good to do but how we should go about doing it.” Again, this is not to say that there is nothing of benefit in Part II. To the contrary, it is full of profitable discussion on each of the areas covered.
In the final pages the authors discuss three different “contracts”, or paths, that Americans can take. Each contract is described by a political philosopher: Edmund Burke, John Locke, and John Rawls. Almost as soon as these contracts are introduced, however, they are dispatched and the book ends. The Burke and Locke contracts are worth considering in depth and I only wish there was more space to unpack these.
I guess all my complaints listed here are essentially that the book should be longer. But then it would be a different book entirely. So, apart from these critiques, I think this book was really good for its purpose and audience.
The authors split the book in two parts: Part I is a short history of conservatism in American and Part II provides directives for conservatism in our current time. The history was good for what it is intended to be—a simple telling of the American conservative story for the young and the unfamiliar. It is not meant for the skeptic or the critic. But it doesn’t have to be. This work is unashamedly nonpolemical. We need books that are defensive and argumemetative but we also need ones that are purposefully noncontroversial. So, if the reader is already persuaded of the principles of conservatism, and if the reader trusts the authors, then this history works really well as a way of tracing the conservative current from the American founding to present day.
In Part II, Frohnen and McAllister take us through the areas of our society that need repair. These include: local government, family, religion, religious and community associations, work and the economy, immigration, public schools and universities. For each of these, the discussion was helpful and I agreed with nearly all of it, but I wish they would have moved further towards specifics. Very little space is used to discuss how conservatives can meet the challenges of our time (in most chapters it amounts to a paragraph or only a few sentences). I understand the desire to avoid a reduction to policy points, but I also see the need for the authors to model how a modern-day conservative can work out his principles in the current environment. I’m not sure that any conservative would disagree with the needs addressed in Part II, though many may be unsure about what type of action their conservative principles should lead to. In the authors’ words, we need to consider “not just what is good to do but how we should go about doing it.” Again, this is not to say that there is nothing of benefit in Part II. To the contrary, it is full of profitable discussion on each of the areas covered.
In the final pages the authors discuss three different “contracts”, or paths, that Americans can take. Each contract is described by a political philosopher: Edmund Burke, John Locke, and John Rawls. Almost as soon as these contracts are introduced, however, they are dispatched and the book ends. The Burke and Locke contracts are worth considering in depth and I only wish there was more space to unpack these.
I guess all my complaints listed here are essentially that the book should be longer. But then it would be a different book entirely. So, apart from these critiques, I think this book was really good for its purpose and audience.
June 17, 2019
Coming Home: Reclaiming America's Conservative Soul is is a book about the true conservatism that has been lost in the past 100 years with the Republicans losing their souls for short term gains in power. In fact, conservatism during the Cold War became dominated by right wing liberals while true conservatives were pushed to the side. In recent years, this is why the conservative movement has not seemed very conservative and in fact, has seemed to be an extension of liberalism.
It offers solutions on how America can regain its conservative soul to save America from the ravages of Progressivism. It is an important look at America's conservative roots based in local government, families, communities, and self reliance which have been thrust aside for the past century resulting in the tenuous grasp on freedom that we now have.
We have lost significant freedoms with the growth of the Leviathan state, loss of community institutions, and relegation of conservatism to the fringes for the pursuit of rank individualism. American is on the cusp of losing freedom altogether. Just because Americans vote doesn't mean they have freedom. When the government is detached from the people, it doesn't matter if you are voting because your vote will not effect any change. We must reclaim our conservative heritage.
It offers solutions on how America can regain its conservative soul to save America from the ravages of Progressivism. It is an important look at America's conservative roots based in local government, families, communities, and self reliance which have been thrust aside for the past century resulting in the tenuous grasp on freedom that we now have.
We have lost significant freedoms with the growth of the Leviathan state, loss of community institutions, and relegation of conservatism to the fringes for the pursuit of rank individualism. American is on the cusp of losing freedom altogether. Just because Americans vote doesn't mean they have freedom. When the government is detached from the people, it doesn't matter if you are voting because your vote will not effect any change. We must reclaim our conservative heritage.
October 30, 2020
In this book, McAllister and Frohnen offer a history of the conservative movement and how it went astray, before providing prescriptions on how America can reclaim its “conservative soul” - i.e. a devolution of power from the federal government and a return to de Tocquevillian localism.
January 14, 2020
Interesting read!
Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews