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Two Paths to Women's Equality
Assesses the combined influence of temperance and suffrage on womans evolving role in American society. Traces the history of temperance and suffrage to womens involvement in missionary work, moral reform, and abolition between the Revolutionary and Civil Wars. Intensive study of the Womans Christian Temperance Union, founded in 1874, reveals what many will find to be its surprisingly wide scope of social concerns. The temperance women, often thought of in caricature as priggish, narrow-minded souls who abhorred alcohol, were largely motivated by the desire to eliminate the ill health, poverty, violence against women and children, and broken homes that resulted from its abuse. The Social Movements Past and Present Series offers thorough analyses of the ideas and actions that have changed the way Americans think and live. Each volume is written by a specialist drawing on the insights and methodologies of history, sociology, and political science.
295 pages, Hardcover
First published January 25, 1995
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April 14, 2016
The roots of the Modern Feminist Movements, still evident today, originated within two women’s movements, which were active prior to the Civil War, argues Janet Zollinger Giele, in her book, Two Paths to Women's Equality: Temperance, Suffrage, and the Origins of Modern Feminism. These two movements, Temperance and Suffrage, initiated first through religiously inspired community service and motherhood created the foundation of the modern feminist movement, still active today. Community service was critical in the development of a women’s civil society, which enabled early feminist leaders to actively pressure for change. Women who previously had little voice in the direction of their communities, found a measure of support in their role as caretakers, not just in their private sphere but also in the public one. Nineteenth-century women, who were perceived as mothers, wives, and caretakers stepped out of their private sphere in the name of service to others. Using their perceived moral authority to challenge abuse, alcoholism, poverty, and child labor in the name of Christ, gave early feminist a vehicle with which to step outside of private family life, and into the public sphere. This matriarchal foundation became the Temperance Movement, culminating with Federal prohibition of alcohol production in 1920. The second group, formed out of a union of education, changing economic structures and urbanization, which prompted greater autonomy for women and need for individual agency. The manifestation of these factors formed a second movement, which would become the Suffrage Movement.
As the nation formed, education was emphasized for post-Revolutionary war women, in the name of a new, “Republican Motherhood” (31). The proliferation of women’s seminary schools helped to educate the next generation of women in the early Republic. Graduates from Troy and Wheaton Seminary, as well as others early women’s colleges, provided a foundation of education that would enable women to enter the field of education in greater numbers than ever before. Giele contends that, “Education would turn out to be the key that unlocked the door of women’s domestic confinement (31).” However, while education was critical, women still were viewed as unequal in the public realm. Nevertheless, religion, offered a measure of equality, not seen in other aspects of social life. The Second Great Awakening and Quakerism created a sturdy stepping stone for women to enter civil society. Giele contends that religious venues, along with educational opportunities provided occasions to speak in public, petition local government, organize, and create a robust network with which to affect change.
By the 1840s, service minded feminism began to branch off into other forms of feminism, less fixated on service and more motivated by equality. However, Giele points out that these groups were small in comparison until the conclusion of the Civil war. Some attempts to extend the voting franchise, realized in the fifteenth amendment to women, ultimately failed, due to a lack of consensus among women’s organizations and unwillingness in contemporary power structures to accept that change. Giele points out that the, “early suffrage movement had no parallel to the temperance crusade of 1873-74” (115). The Temperance movement was very powerful prior to the turn of the twentieth-century. Leading this crusade was The National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). Founded in Cleveland, Ohio in 1874, the WCTU did not have a formal position on suffrage. However, by 1881, under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU, “took an unequivocal stance on suffrage,” in the affirmative (105). It is here that Giele seeks to challenge modern feminist scholars who downplay the contribution to suffrage by temperance women (107). Giele makes clear that the WCTU’s work for social reform created a space within the public sphere for women who would move far beyond temperance (109). For the WCTU, “women’s emancipation and suffrage came to be seen not so much as the outward signs of equality but as the necessary tools for accomplishment of women’s good work” (110).
Giele points to the changing economic structures of society as foundational to the suffragists cause. Two major suffrage organizations emerged out of smaller local groups. The “radical,” National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the “more moderate," American Woman Suffrage Association both founded in 1869 (114). The key difference between the Temperance movement and the suffragist movement was found in ideology. Suffragist tended to focus their efforts on equality of the sexes, whereas the temperance movement focused on differentiation (117). Giele concludes that during the first twenty years of these two movements, temperance was much broader in appeal, thus gaining a strong national presence.
By the 1890s, a change was in the air for suffragist however. Aggressive campaigns and outreach prompted women to organize in ever greater numbers, particularly in New England and the Mid-Atlantic states (138). Giele states that, “rather than stemming simply from membership recruitment, growing suffrage sentiment resulted from a socialization process by which women began to chafe against the old limits of the circumscribed roles (145).” Groups as diverse as Mormons, rural Protestants, the ultimately, the “progressive and reform minded urban middle class, began to support suffragists in ever greater numbers (145). Giele also makes clear that, the fear of alcohol producers and consumers had of temperance suffragists organized opposition in an attempt to deny the right to vote for women. States were far ahead of the Federal government however, as many women could vote in local and state elections. Eventually, the culmination of a large variety of women’s groups supported by churches, labor unions, civic and literature clubs turned the tide changing the Constitution.
The last chapter of Two Paths deals with the period after the passage of the nineteenth amendment. She points to the two traditions of feminism (equality and care), in various women’s movements throughout the twentieth century, providing evidence for both. Giele’s conclusions stem from the research of women’s groups membership rolls, original correspondence, and content comparisons of pro-temperance and pro-suffrage newspapers to point out similarities as well as differences. As a sociologist, Genet Zollinger Giele uses a functionalist framework, developed from theory, within her study as critical to her conclusions (229). The dividing of the feminist movement into two groups creates an easily decipherable path for a student to examine the development of women’s movements in the United States, but may leave others questioning the simplicity of her model. Giele implores other feminist scholars to consider the, “enormous contributions the social and maternal had made to American social reform.” For Giele, the need for both types of feminism is apparent. She believes that there will be a greater convergence of feminist movements.
From the perspective of exceptionalism, Giele points to other movements, throughout the world being influenced heavily by women seeking to increase their sphere from the viewpoint of care first, then in modernity, equality. While pointing out differences she does not make any specific inquiry into these differences. In other words, differing conditions, created varied outcomes for feminist movements and not necessarily conditions found only in America.
As the nation formed, education was emphasized for post-Revolutionary war women, in the name of a new, “Republican Motherhood” (31). The proliferation of women’s seminary schools helped to educate the next generation of women in the early Republic. Graduates from Troy and Wheaton Seminary, as well as others early women’s colleges, provided a foundation of education that would enable women to enter the field of education in greater numbers than ever before. Giele contends that, “Education would turn out to be the key that unlocked the door of women’s domestic confinement (31).” However, while education was critical, women still were viewed as unequal in the public realm. Nevertheless, religion, offered a measure of equality, not seen in other aspects of social life. The Second Great Awakening and Quakerism created a sturdy stepping stone for women to enter civil society. Giele contends that religious venues, along with educational opportunities provided occasions to speak in public, petition local government, organize, and create a robust network with which to affect change.
By the 1840s, service minded feminism began to branch off into other forms of feminism, less fixated on service and more motivated by equality. However, Giele points out that these groups were small in comparison until the conclusion of the Civil war. Some attempts to extend the voting franchise, realized in the fifteenth amendment to women, ultimately failed, due to a lack of consensus among women’s organizations and unwillingness in contemporary power structures to accept that change. Giele points out that the, “early suffrage movement had no parallel to the temperance crusade of 1873-74” (115). The Temperance movement was very powerful prior to the turn of the twentieth-century. Leading this crusade was The National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). Founded in Cleveland, Ohio in 1874, the WCTU did not have a formal position on suffrage. However, by 1881, under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU, “took an unequivocal stance on suffrage,” in the affirmative (105). It is here that Giele seeks to challenge modern feminist scholars who downplay the contribution to suffrage by temperance women (107). Giele makes clear that the WCTU’s work for social reform created a space within the public sphere for women who would move far beyond temperance (109). For the WCTU, “women’s emancipation and suffrage came to be seen not so much as the outward signs of equality but as the necessary tools for accomplishment of women’s good work” (110).
Giele points to the changing economic structures of society as foundational to the suffragists cause. Two major suffrage organizations emerged out of smaller local groups. The “radical,” National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the “more moderate," American Woman Suffrage Association both founded in 1869 (114). The key difference between the Temperance movement and the suffragist movement was found in ideology. Suffragist tended to focus their efforts on equality of the sexes, whereas the temperance movement focused on differentiation (117). Giele concludes that during the first twenty years of these two movements, temperance was much broader in appeal, thus gaining a strong national presence.
By the 1890s, a change was in the air for suffragist however. Aggressive campaigns and outreach prompted women to organize in ever greater numbers, particularly in New England and the Mid-Atlantic states (138). Giele states that, “rather than stemming simply from membership recruitment, growing suffrage sentiment resulted from a socialization process by which women began to chafe against the old limits of the circumscribed roles (145).” Groups as diverse as Mormons, rural Protestants, the ultimately, the “progressive and reform minded urban middle class, began to support suffragists in ever greater numbers (145). Giele also makes clear that, the fear of alcohol producers and consumers had of temperance suffragists organized opposition in an attempt to deny the right to vote for women. States were far ahead of the Federal government however, as many women could vote in local and state elections. Eventually, the culmination of a large variety of women’s groups supported by churches, labor unions, civic and literature clubs turned the tide changing the Constitution.
The last chapter of Two Paths deals with the period after the passage of the nineteenth amendment. She points to the two traditions of feminism (equality and care), in various women’s movements throughout the twentieth century, providing evidence for both. Giele’s conclusions stem from the research of women’s groups membership rolls, original correspondence, and content comparisons of pro-temperance and pro-suffrage newspapers to point out similarities as well as differences. As a sociologist, Genet Zollinger Giele uses a functionalist framework, developed from theory, within her study as critical to her conclusions (229). The dividing of the feminist movement into two groups creates an easily decipherable path for a student to examine the development of women’s movements in the United States, but may leave others questioning the simplicity of her model. Giele implores other feminist scholars to consider the, “enormous contributions the social and maternal had made to American social reform.” For Giele, the need for both types of feminism is apparent. She believes that there will be a greater convergence of feminist movements.
From the perspective of exceptionalism, Giele points to other movements, throughout the world being influenced heavily by women seeking to increase their sphere from the viewpoint of care first, then in modernity, equality. While pointing out differences she does not make any specific inquiry into these differences. In other words, differing conditions, created varied outcomes for feminist movements and not necessarily conditions found only in America.
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