Have to say it's too descriptive for my own liking, though you can trace some of the themes brought up here by Alatas reappearing in works like Intellectuals in Developing Society (1977), such as the importance of ensuring the prevalence of moral rectitude and intellectual integrity. His idea to reform society (and to stem corruption) from the top through 'sacral personalities' that 'act as the centre of radiation of such rectitude values' (p. 58) is clearly envisioned with the incorruptible public intellectual in mind. His (truncated) political venture speaks to this as well.
A compendium of three parts, the reader can be excused for finding The Problem of Corruption to read like separate essays instead of a book. A product of its time, the book is successful in dispelling the notion that 'some corruption' is good for developing societies. Alatas clearly would have none of that, his warning stern and his disgust palpable in the pages. However, I find there are two limitations to the analytical depth of this book, rendering it more useful as an awakening discourse instead of a structural diagnosis. First, there is a lack of perspectives about how certain societies, such as Hong Kong, Taiwan, or the Nordic countries manage to overcome corruption. The book's emphasis on moral decline as a cause and effect of corruption creates a tautology in itself, as if a morally corrupt society will be corrupted, even if the author has explicitly eschewed culturalist explanations of corruption.
Second, although Alatas claimed that he wanted to uncover the 'cause and function' of corruption (p. 62), he spent little space analysing the latter, and whatever phenomenological accounts he provided of the 'corrupted' only spoke of their depravity. It is conceivable that we can recognise the function of corruption in societies with widespread corruption without endorsing the practice. For example, in Malaysia's case, corruption was tolerated because it was reckoned as facilitative to an ethnocratic redistributive state. The leakages were imagined as imperfect ways for the largesse of the state to be channelled to those in need (or those who felt entitled to it). This is where one find Fukuyama's effort to differentiate outright corruption from patronage and clientelism to be more illustrative of the phenomenon; that what we call 'corruption' often straddles, paradoxically, both formal structures of accountability (pork barrel politics) and informal practices and rituals of being ‘accountable’ to their exclusive base and clientele. The ‘money under the table’ depiction is both a fact and caricature of corruption.
The points above aren't intended to make corruption more palatable, of course. The outrage of Alatas against corruption is sorely missed as the problem doesn't seem to have subsided, with the high-level leaders in Malaysia he placed his hopes on now regularly discovered as the main protagonists of high corruption. But it remains the fact that societies, both developing and developed, have developed an appetite for corruption (though the mixture of money and politics is both more blatant and more sophisticated these days) as long as it is done for the right 'people' and 'reasons'. It seems the onslaught of authoritarian populism has convinced many that absolute power is needed to curb corruption absolutely, never mind what the aphorism says.