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Muslim Perceptions of Other Religions: A Historical Survey
Since its inception, Islam and its civilization have been in continuous relationships with other religions, cultures, and civilizations, including not only different forms of Christianity and Judaism inside and outside the Middle East, Zoroastrianism and Manicheism, Hinduism and even Buddhism, but also tribal religions in West and East Africa, in South Russia and in Central Asia, including Tibet. The essays collected here examine the many texts that have come down to us about these cultures and their religions, from Muslim theologians and jurists, travelers and historians, and men of letters and of culture.
368 pages, Hardcover
First published July 26, 1999
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December 21, 2017
Mildly outdated by now, but still quite valuable. The first section of the book, perhaps the most important, is simply a Waardenburg's own four-chapter overview of the history of Muslim perceptions of other religions in the early, medieval, modern, and contemporary periods. Waardenburg begins with the Qur'an, sketching how other religious groups are treated there. We find that "there are a number of texts in which Christians are evaluated positively," but "on the other hand, the Christians are reproached for having forgotten their spiritual rules and prescriptions and hence living in animosity with one another. Such conflicts have been aroused by God as a punishment, and they will continue until the Day of Resurrection when an account will be made of their deeds. All of this implies that the Christians have broken their alliance with God. ... In summary, we can say that the Qur'an directs reproaches at the Christians but explicitly or implicitly recognizes positive religious values in them" (8-9). What Waardenburg sees by the era's close is that "the religious movement which had started in Mecca as a purification movement and which had become a religious reform movement and potential religion in Medina had now been completed or 'fulfilled' as a full-fledged din in the true meaning of the word at the time. That is to say, a religion with a strong sociopolitical dimension, or the other way round, a sociopolitical order on a religious foundation" (14-15).
Throughout the medieval period, Waardenburg identifies seven main attitudes toward other religions: {1} some had no curiosity and "could simply dismiss the earlier religions as having been superseded, if not as complete nonsense"; {2} some "could express concern, or even suspicion and distrust, toward foreign doctrines and ways of life which might enter the Muslim community" through new converts from other religious backgrounds; {3} some categorized heretical sects and other religions and described them with an eye simply toward gaining "knowledge of other religions only as false systems and sources of falsehood to be refuted," as did Ibn Hazm; {4} some, particularly converts, took a more positive interest of appreciating their ancestral spiritual heritage, sometimes even attempting a syncretistic approach as did certain Isma'ili groups; {5} some took an 'all-truth-is-Islamic-truth' approach; {6} some sought to produce encyclopedic geographic and historical works and integrated awareness of non-Muslims harmoniously into this general world picture; and, finally, {7} some mystics "adhered to the wider idea of the universality of divine revelation to humanity," as did Rumi (20-21). Waardenburg particularly examines the scholarship of Ibn Hazm, al-Biruni, al-Shahrastani, and Abu 'l-Ma'ali; and he goes on to sketch medieval Muslim treatments, not only of the 'usual' suspects (Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians), but even Hindus, Buddhists, and Manichees. Medieval Muslim treatments of Christianity tended to be "highly critical," and "the knowledge of Christianity as a religion was largely confined to those doctrines to which the Qur'an alludes and the main divisions between the Christian communities of the Middle East" (40).
Waardenburg sketches four periods in medieval Muslim perceptions of Christianity: {1} Up until the mid-ninth century, "the Christians raised questions about Islam to which the Muslims were obliged to find answers"; {2} later, "the initiative shifted to the Muslim side" in sociopolitical, cultural, and religious matters, such that "Christianity came under increasing attack" with religious minorities as Christians restricted, Arab Muslims priding themselves on "ethnic and linguistic superiority" over Christians, and a rise in polemical writings such as those by Ali ibn Rabban al-Tabari and Abu Isa al-Warraq, with a more critical assessment of biblical textual transmission in terms of tahrif; {3} rising in the tenth century as Byzantine armies reconquered some territory and larger Greek treatises against Islam began to be written, the third period "must also have been an era of hope for the Christians, living deep in Muslim territory and awaiting a final Christian victory over the Muslims," for several Syrian Christians (e.g., Yahya b. Adi and Ibn Zur'a) began to respond to Muslim polemics, though as Byzantine fortunes tapered, strong Muslim polemics resurface as well (e.g., those by Ibn Hazm), and the arrival of the Crusaders freed later Christian Arabs like Bartholomew of Edessa and Paul of Antioch to "write lengthy treatises against Islam"; and {4} in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, while Latin polemics against Islam began to circulate in Europe, meanwhile in Spain and the Middle East "the classical refutations of Christianity were written," such as works by Ibn Sab'in, al-Qarafi, Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn Abi Talib, Sa'id b. Hasan al-Iskandarani, and Ibn-Qayyim al-Jawziyya, and even a Franciscan-turned-Muslim called Abdallah al-Tarjuman (42-46).
Waardenburg's treatment of the modern period, 1500-1950, is not quite as detailed, taking special note of "the emergence of new, more extensive empires, such as the Ottoman empire in the fourteenth century and the Iranian and Moghul empires in the sixteenth, [which] created a new situation in the Muslim world," fostering a "new kind of 'togetherness' ... between Muslims, Christians, and Jews, or Muslims and Zoroastrians, or Muslims and Hindus," since "the state saw its interest in preventing conflicts between the religions within its territory" (70). So, for instance, we see the Moghul ruler Dara Shukoh translating the Upanishads for wider consumption (though his younger brother and successor Alamgir I reversed his policies); we encounter Ottoman works by Evliya Celebi and Hajji Khalifa exploring the history and cultures of Europeans; and more. The chapter also investigates the colonial period, and the hardening of various reactions to "the West." Figures explored toward the end of the chapter include Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Muhammad Abduh, and Muhammad Abu Zahrah.
Finally, Waardenburg considers the contemporary period, 1950-1995, which saw "the establishment of a number of independent Muslim nation-states" and "the end of the European powers' immediate military and political domination" even while Euro-American economic influence rose. "In most Muslim countries and regions..., direct Christian mission from the West was no longer allowed. ... In a number of Muslim states Christian missions were forbidden outright, and in Saudi Arabia, for instance, Christianity cannot even manifest itself in public" (85). Waardenburg surveys an assortment of crises and revolutions, the variety of political ideologies at play and their relationships with Islamic traditions, and so forth. This period saw "much controversial literature emphasizing the superiority of Islam, often on a popular and even base level, and intellectually deplorable," as well as some higher-quality material proliferating since the 'dialogue years' in the 1960s-1970s. Mention is made of Mohammed Arkoun, Mahmoud Ayoub, Ismail R. al-Faruqi, Hassan Hanafi, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and Mohamed Talbi, among others, but none receive an in-depth analysis.
Following this initial section, but before the concluding select bibliography compiled by Waardenburg himself, other scholars have the opportunity to treat specific topics within the medieval and modern periods. Plenty of these are worthwhile reading: for instance, for the medieval period, Camilla Adang considers medieval Muslim polemics against Jewish scripture; Carl Keller considers Sufi perceptions of other religions; Christoph Burgel looks at medieval Muslim portrayals of Zoroastrianism; and more. In the modern period, Isabel Stumpel-Hatami looks at the ways Persian Muslims understand Christianity; Asghar Ali Engineer looks at modern Muslim perceptions of Hindus; Christine Schirrmacher notes the way nineteenth-century Islamic apologetics seized upon Western European higher-criticism; Karel Steenbrink offers a fascinating look at how the Pancasila state ideology of Indonesia interacts with various Muslim views of other religions; and, in a closing chapter, Ekkehard Rudolph examines Arabic-language Muslim periodicals for their reflections on Muslim-Christian dialogue, and where several past Sheikhs al-Azhar are seen to denounce Muslim-Christian dialogue as being "not at all expedient as long as the 'subversive' political and religious influences of the West on the Islamic world endure" (298), and even some Islamic articles denouncing the idea that Muslims and Christians worship the same God (299).
On the whole, while it only reaches up to the final decade of the twentieth century, this collection of essays contains plenty of valuable material; one only wishes that more full English translations of some of the pieces referenced were available, to better get a sense of the sweep and detail of some of the arguments proferred therein.
Throughout the medieval period, Waardenburg identifies seven main attitudes toward other religions: {1} some had no curiosity and "could simply dismiss the earlier religions as having been superseded, if not as complete nonsense"; {2} some "could express concern, or even suspicion and distrust, toward foreign doctrines and ways of life which might enter the Muslim community" through new converts from other religious backgrounds; {3} some categorized heretical sects and other religions and described them with an eye simply toward gaining "knowledge of other religions only as false systems and sources of falsehood to be refuted," as did Ibn Hazm; {4} some, particularly converts, took a more positive interest of appreciating their ancestral spiritual heritage, sometimes even attempting a syncretistic approach as did certain Isma'ili groups; {5} some took an 'all-truth-is-Islamic-truth' approach; {6} some sought to produce encyclopedic geographic and historical works and integrated awareness of non-Muslims harmoniously into this general world picture; and, finally, {7} some mystics "adhered to the wider idea of the universality of divine revelation to humanity," as did Rumi (20-21). Waardenburg particularly examines the scholarship of Ibn Hazm, al-Biruni, al-Shahrastani, and Abu 'l-Ma'ali; and he goes on to sketch medieval Muslim treatments, not only of the 'usual' suspects (Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians), but even Hindus, Buddhists, and Manichees. Medieval Muslim treatments of Christianity tended to be "highly critical," and "the knowledge of Christianity as a religion was largely confined to those doctrines to which the Qur'an alludes and the main divisions between the Christian communities of the Middle East" (40).
Waardenburg sketches four periods in medieval Muslim perceptions of Christianity: {1} Up until the mid-ninth century, "the Christians raised questions about Islam to which the Muslims were obliged to find answers"; {2} later, "the initiative shifted to the Muslim side" in sociopolitical, cultural, and religious matters, such that "Christianity came under increasing attack" with religious minorities as Christians restricted, Arab Muslims priding themselves on "ethnic and linguistic superiority" over Christians, and a rise in polemical writings such as those by Ali ibn Rabban al-Tabari and Abu Isa al-Warraq, with a more critical assessment of biblical textual transmission in terms of tahrif; {3} rising in the tenth century as Byzantine armies reconquered some territory and larger Greek treatises against Islam began to be written, the third period "must also have been an era of hope for the Christians, living deep in Muslim territory and awaiting a final Christian victory over the Muslims," for several Syrian Christians (e.g., Yahya b. Adi and Ibn Zur'a) began to respond to Muslim polemics, though as Byzantine fortunes tapered, strong Muslim polemics resurface as well (e.g., those by Ibn Hazm), and the arrival of the Crusaders freed later Christian Arabs like Bartholomew of Edessa and Paul of Antioch to "write lengthy treatises against Islam"; and {4} in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, while Latin polemics against Islam began to circulate in Europe, meanwhile in Spain and the Middle East "the classical refutations of Christianity were written," such as works by Ibn Sab'in, al-Qarafi, Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn Abi Talib, Sa'id b. Hasan al-Iskandarani, and Ibn-Qayyim al-Jawziyya, and even a Franciscan-turned-Muslim called Abdallah al-Tarjuman (42-46).
Waardenburg's treatment of the modern period, 1500-1950, is not quite as detailed, taking special note of "the emergence of new, more extensive empires, such as the Ottoman empire in the fourteenth century and the Iranian and Moghul empires in the sixteenth, [which] created a new situation in the Muslim world," fostering a "new kind of 'togetherness' ... between Muslims, Christians, and Jews, or Muslims and Zoroastrians, or Muslims and Hindus," since "the state saw its interest in preventing conflicts between the religions within its territory" (70). So, for instance, we see the Moghul ruler Dara Shukoh translating the Upanishads for wider consumption (though his younger brother and successor Alamgir I reversed his policies); we encounter Ottoman works by Evliya Celebi and Hajji Khalifa exploring the history and cultures of Europeans; and more. The chapter also investigates the colonial period, and the hardening of various reactions to "the West." Figures explored toward the end of the chapter include Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Muhammad Abduh, and Muhammad Abu Zahrah.
Finally, Waardenburg considers the contemporary period, 1950-1995, which saw "the establishment of a number of independent Muslim nation-states" and "the end of the European powers' immediate military and political domination" even while Euro-American economic influence rose. "In most Muslim countries and regions..., direct Christian mission from the West was no longer allowed. ... In a number of Muslim states Christian missions were forbidden outright, and in Saudi Arabia, for instance, Christianity cannot even manifest itself in public" (85). Waardenburg surveys an assortment of crises and revolutions, the variety of political ideologies at play and their relationships with Islamic traditions, and so forth. This period saw "much controversial literature emphasizing the superiority of Islam, often on a popular and even base level, and intellectually deplorable," as well as some higher-quality material proliferating since the 'dialogue years' in the 1960s-1970s. Mention is made of Mohammed Arkoun, Mahmoud Ayoub, Ismail R. al-Faruqi, Hassan Hanafi, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, and Mohamed Talbi, among others, but none receive an in-depth analysis.
Following this initial section, but before the concluding select bibliography compiled by Waardenburg himself, other scholars have the opportunity to treat specific topics within the medieval and modern periods. Plenty of these are worthwhile reading: for instance, for the medieval period, Camilla Adang considers medieval Muslim polemics against Jewish scripture; Carl Keller considers Sufi perceptions of other religions; Christoph Burgel looks at medieval Muslim portrayals of Zoroastrianism; and more. In the modern period, Isabel Stumpel-Hatami looks at the ways Persian Muslims understand Christianity; Asghar Ali Engineer looks at modern Muslim perceptions of Hindus; Christine Schirrmacher notes the way nineteenth-century Islamic apologetics seized upon Western European higher-criticism; Karel Steenbrink offers a fascinating look at how the Pancasila state ideology of Indonesia interacts with various Muslim views of other religions; and, in a closing chapter, Ekkehard Rudolph examines Arabic-language Muslim periodicals for their reflections on Muslim-Christian dialogue, and where several past Sheikhs al-Azhar are seen to denounce Muslim-Christian dialogue as being "not at all expedient as long as the 'subversive' political and religious influences of the West on the Islamic world endure" (298), and even some Islamic articles denouncing the idea that Muslims and Christians worship the same God (299).
On the whole, while it only reaches up to the final decade of the twentieth century, this collection of essays contains plenty of valuable material; one only wishes that more full English translations of some of the pieces referenced were available, to better get a sense of the sweep and detail of some of the arguments proferred therein.
Displaying 1 of 1 review