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The Great War and Americans in Europe, 1914-1917
This book examines the experiences of Americans in Europe during the First World War prior to the U.S. declaration of war. Key groups include volunteer soldiers, doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers, reporters, diplomats, peace activists, charitable workers, and long-term American expatriate civilians. What these Americans wrote about the Great War, as published in contemporary books and periodicals, provides the core source material for this volume. Author Kenneth D. Rose argues that these writings served the critical function of preparing the American public for the declaration of war, one of the most important decisions of the twentieth century, and defined the threat and consequences of the European conflict for Americans and American interests at home and abroad.
388 pages, Paperback
Published April 6, 2017
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About the author
Kenneth D. Rose
10 books3 followersKenneth D. Rose teaches history at California State University, Chico.
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May 19, 2019
Professor Rose differs with many of his contemporary historians on the importance of Allied propaganda in convincing Americans to join the fight against Germany and the Kaiser.
Americans were generally stunned as Europe moved almost inevitably toward conflagration, believing humanity had or was progressing beyond such base instincts. Most likely a product of the 3,000 mile gap between the continents, Americans, then and now, were shocked by the depth of antipathy expressed between nations, believing such a conflict to be an “anachronism” in the 20th century. Adding to the conundrum, the same nationalities were represented in America in large numbers, none of which showed the same tendency to attack each other as in the home countries.
Within three years the U.S. shifted from an aggressively neutral stance (keep out at all costs) to an economically neutral (burgeoning arms industry) to an ideologically neutral (despite moral outrage) to committing armed forces to the Allied cause. Rose attempted to answer the question what drove this change. In his view, this shift in public opinion had less to do with the effectiveness of Allied propaganda than the accounts of American civilians and reporters who described personal experiences in the war. Assigning primacy to British propaganda was in his opinion “both lazy and insulting,” characterizing Americans as unable to differentiate between “foreign propaganda and disinterested journalism” and failed to recognize the impact Americans living, working, and returning from Europe had on their fellow citizens when describing the war in Europe.
The argument carries some weight, particularly given the numbers of Americans who were present before the war began, went to Europe after August 1, 1914, and later wrote about the events and their reactions to them. On the other hand, it represents an elitist view of American society driven by facts and principles rather than emotional appeals, a society where yellow journalism would not exist. Rose later mentioned Wilson’s observation that the world was moved by sentiment and not logical appeals. Apart from newspaper accounts, Rose identifies the uptick in books published concerning the war in Europe, many becoming best-sellers, again an argument that caters to the educated and well-to-do able to afford to purchase books and have the time to read them.
Rose described British/Allied propaganda as being disguised with “objectivity” while German efforts lacked “humanity” and were saddled by the actions taken by the German army. The expectation that German-Americans would naturally rally to Germany’s support, at least within the bounds of neutrality, failed to take into account why these persons left Germany in the first place. In spite of maintaining traditions and language, these immigrants were characterized by an independent spirit and clearly did not fit the German national mold or support their former nation’s policies.
Rose writes that Americans may have had an instinctive understanding of British culture (having a shared language, literary background, intertwined history, etc.) but “the meaning of German Kultur eluded them.” Rose observes how individual German citizens identified themselves as members of the state, a part of a larger entity expressing allegiance to the nation and subordination to the leaders, believing every life goes forward in service to the nation. For a country born of revolution where individualism reigned supreme, the motivating facet of German life became identified as militaristic and the desire to spread Kultur as rabid nationalism superseding human values. The chapter on militarism provides a particularly clear definition of the term.
That America remained neutral for three years suggests a triggering event or the accumulated impact of Allied pressure (propaganda and otherwise) and German affronts. Rose’s arguments blend with the idea of a progressive change in public opinion that reached a tipping point in 1917.
Americans were generally stunned as Europe moved almost inevitably toward conflagration, believing humanity had or was progressing beyond such base instincts. Most likely a product of the 3,000 mile gap between the continents, Americans, then and now, were shocked by the depth of antipathy expressed between nations, believing such a conflict to be an “anachronism” in the 20th century. Adding to the conundrum, the same nationalities were represented in America in large numbers, none of which showed the same tendency to attack each other as in the home countries.
Within three years the U.S. shifted from an aggressively neutral stance (keep out at all costs) to an economically neutral (burgeoning arms industry) to an ideologically neutral (despite moral outrage) to committing armed forces to the Allied cause. Rose attempted to answer the question what drove this change. In his view, this shift in public opinion had less to do with the effectiveness of Allied propaganda than the accounts of American civilians and reporters who described personal experiences in the war. Assigning primacy to British propaganda was in his opinion “both lazy and insulting,” characterizing Americans as unable to differentiate between “foreign propaganda and disinterested journalism” and failed to recognize the impact Americans living, working, and returning from Europe had on their fellow citizens when describing the war in Europe.
The argument carries some weight, particularly given the numbers of Americans who were present before the war began, went to Europe after August 1, 1914, and later wrote about the events and their reactions to them. On the other hand, it represents an elitist view of American society driven by facts and principles rather than emotional appeals, a society where yellow journalism would not exist. Rose later mentioned Wilson’s observation that the world was moved by sentiment and not logical appeals. Apart from newspaper accounts, Rose identifies the uptick in books published concerning the war in Europe, many becoming best-sellers, again an argument that caters to the educated and well-to-do able to afford to purchase books and have the time to read them.
Rose described British/Allied propaganda as being disguised with “objectivity” while German efforts lacked “humanity” and were saddled by the actions taken by the German army. The expectation that German-Americans would naturally rally to Germany’s support, at least within the bounds of neutrality, failed to take into account why these persons left Germany in the first place. In spite of maintaining traditions and language, these immigrants were characterized by an independent spirit and clearly did not fit the German national mold or support their former nation’s policies.
Rose writes that Americans may have had an instinctive understanding of British culture (having a shared language, literary background, intertwined history, etc.) but “the meaning of German Kultur eluded them.” Rose observes how individual German citizens identified themselves as members of the state, a part of a larger entity expressing allegiance to the nation and subordination to the leaders, believing every life goes forward in service to the nation. For a country born of revolution where individualism reigned supreme, the motivating facet of German life became identified as militaristic and the desire to spread Kultur as rabid nationalism superseding human values. The chapter on militarism provides a particularly clear definition of the term.
That America remained neutral for three years suggests a triggering event or the accumulated impact of Allied pressure (propaganda and otherwise) and German affronts. Rose’s arguments blend with the idea of a progressive change in public opinion that reached a tipping point in 1917.
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