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A Possible World: Democratic Transformation of Global Institutions
As globalization proceeds apace international law, and the scope and powers of international institutions - the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization - continue to grow. If democratic values are still an aspiration of the 21st century, then their deficit at international level must be addressed. Patomaki and Teiveinen survey the range of proposals now on the table. Ruling nothing out, they emphasis feasibility. While democratic advances do not come without political mobilization, there is little point mobilizing people for the utopian and unrealizable.
This informative, thought-provoking book will be of use both to students of International Relations and Political Science, and also to campaigners concerned with the existing inequitable and unaccountable international arrangements.
This informative, thought-provoking book will be of use both to students of International Relations and Political Science, and also to campaigners concerned with the existing inequitable and unaccountable international arrangements.
256 pages, Paperback
First published October 1, 2004
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February 4, 2013
The book is an excellent summary of the (not-so-)democratic state of some of the most powerful international organizations in our time, from finance and economics to global politics.
It highlights the need for a democratic UN, and gives concrete steps how to get there: reorganize the Security Council, give more power the General Assembly, reorganize the Bretton Woods institutions, strengthen international law courts (ICJ and ICC), democratize the WTO, set up debt arbitration and global tax mechanisms, and, last but not least, provide alternative social fora for global civil society. The possibility of a World Parliament is hinted at, but not fully realized.
The systematic and thorough analysis of the book is a treasure trove for any student of global politics. It is timely without appearing "merely" topical; it is deep-diving and principled without forgetting about the nitty-gritty of facts and figures. The book contains a lot of material for superficial reformists as well as for revolutionary political thinkers. Recommended!
Not all is perfect in paradise, however. There are, IMO, three downsides to the book:
1) The excessive repetition towards the end: the main points are summarized and re-summarized two or three times, when once would have been enough. There is one concluding chapter too many. This is a shame, because otherwise the book reads really well, and doesn't outstay its welcome. On the other hand, the repetitive nature of the book makes it a good book for learning, and, thus, for use in the classroom.
2) The confusing and uninformative graphs: The latter half is punctuated by large two-page matrices that summarize the book's positions on the transformative potential of reform proposals of global institutions. Unfortunately they are pretty useless, since they are thoroughly confusing and random. They contain nothing new and only serve to make the simple points of the book look algebraic, for no good reason!
3) And last but not least, the predictable leftist demonization of the "neoliberal agenda": yes, you guessed it! The Dark Side is constantly implicated and hinted at, but never thoroughly pinned down. It is depicted as a conspiratorial all-powerful agenda that drives globalization. It is blamed for everything, from poverty traps to military dictatorships and falling credit ratings. What's worse, it is confused with "orthodox economics" or "neoclassical economic theory" and even with the mainstream policies of Washington and the Bretton Woods institutions, although it should be pointed out that "hardcore" neoliberal theory doesn't look favourably on supranational financial institutions with vested political powers, let alone the sort of aggressive treaty-based colonialism, based on "free trade for others but protectionism for the powerful countries" that many of the powerful players in the world practice. Indeed, neoliberalism condemns both US and EU policies for their hypocrisy and uneven devotion to free trade.
What's more, I believe free trade is the best policy for the developing countries as well, and thus I cannot agree with Patomäki/Teivainen's major premise that the democratization of the global institutions is conditional on re-regulating foreign investment and financial markets, on the one hand, and setting up a new domain of protectionism and trade barriers, on the other hand. Indeed, quite the opposite. Nor do I share his enthusiasm for a currency transaction tax, although I see its potential as a global cash revenue. But I DO share the desire for a democratic UN, WTO and a restructuring of the Bretton Woods institutions. We need a more participatory and fair model.
Top-down agendas have a tendency of engendering the downfall of trust in the democratic legitimacy of global institutions that depend on bottom-up participation. Poor policies have a tendency of destroying even the best of intentions.
I only wish that the readers of this book would keep one maxim in mind: just because someone identifies a disase accurately, doesn't mean you should buy their remedy!
It highlights the need for a democratic UN, and gives concrete steps how to get there: reorganize the Security Council, give more power the General Assembly, reorganize the Bretton Woods institutions, strengthen international law courts (ICJ and ICC), democratize the WTO, set up debt arbitration and global tax mechanisms, and, last but not least, provide alternative social fora for global civil society. The possibility of a World Parliament is hinted at, but not fully realized.
The systematic and thorough analysis of the book is a treasure trove for any student of global politics. It is timely without appearing "merely" topical; it is deep-diving and principled without forgetting about the nitty-gritty of facts and figures. The book contains a lot of material for superficial reformists as well as for revolutionary political thinkers. Recommended!
Not all is perfect in paradise, however. There are, IMO, three downsides to the book:
1) The excessive repetition towards the end: the main points are summarized and re-summarized two or three times, when once would have been enough. There is one concluding chapter too many. This is a shame, because otherwise the book reads really well, and doesn't outstay its welcome. On the other hand, the repetitive nature of the book makes it a good book for learning, and, thus, for use in the classroom.
2) The confusing and uninformative graphs: The latter half is punctuated by large two-page matrices that summarize the book's positions on the transformative potential of reform proposals of global institutions. Unfortunately they are pretty useless, since they are thoroughly confusing and random. They contain nothing new and only serve to make the simple points of the book look algebraic, for no good reason!
3) And last but not least, the predictable leftist demonization of the "neoliberal agenda": yes, you guessed it! The Dark Side is constantly implicated and hinted at, but never thoroughly pinned down. It is depicted as a conspiratorial all-powerful agenda that drives globalization. It is blamed for everything, from poverty traps to military dictatorships and falling credit ratings. What's worse, it is confused with "orthodox economics" or "neoclassical economic theory" and even with the mainstream policies of Washington and the Bretton Woods institutions, although it should be pointed out that "hardcore" neoliberal theory doesn't look favourably on supranational financial institutions with vested political powers, let alone the sort of aggressive treaty-based colonialism, based on "free trade for others but protectionism for the powerful countries" that many of the powerful players in the world practice. Indeed, neoliberalism condemns both US and EU policies for their hypocrisy and uneven devotion to free trade.
What's more, I believe free trade is the best policy for the developing countries as well, and thus I cannot agree with Patomäki/Teivainen's major premise that the democratization of the global institutions is conditional on re-regulating foreign investment and financial markets, on the one hand, and setting up a new domain of protectionism and trade barriers, on the other hand. Indeed, quite the opposite. Nor do I share his enthusiasm for a currency transaction tax, although I see its potential as a global cash revenue. But I DO share the desire for a democratic UN, WTO and a restructuring of the Bretton Woods institutions. We need a more participatory and fair model.
Top-down agendas have a tendency of engendering the downfall of trust in the democratic legitimacy of global institutions that depend on bottom-up participation. Poor policies have a tendency of destroying even the best of intentions.
I only wish that the readers of this book would keep one maxim in mind: just because someone identifies a disase accurately, doesn't mean you should buy their remedy!
Displaying 1 of 1 review