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The Origins of the American High School
This engrossing book tells the story of American high schools in the nineteenth century. William Reese analyzes the social changes and political debates that shaped these institutions across the nation—from the first public high school, established in Massachusetts in 1821, to the 1880s, by which time a majority of secondary students in the North were enrolled in high schools. Reese also explores in generous detail the experience of going to school. Drawing on the writings of local educators and school administrators as well as on student newspapers, diaries, and memoirs, he brings to life the high schools of a century ago, revealing what students studied and how they behaved, what teachers expected of them and how they taught, and how boys and girls, whites and blacks, and children in different parts of the nation perceived their schools.
America's earliest public high schools were built in major cities along the eastern seaboard, and they became an important factor in the building of free public school systems, bringing a broad range of middle-class citizens into their orbit. Reese shows that although high schools were condemned by critics as elite institutions of classical learning, they were in fact largely dedicated to offering talented, mostly middle-class youth a quality education in modern, practical subjects.
America's earliest public high schools were built in major cities along the eastern seaboard, and they became an important factor in the building of free public school systems, bringing a broad range of middle-class citizens into their orbit. Reese shows that although high schools were condemned by critics as elite institutions of classical learning, they were in fact largely dedicated to offering talented, mostly middle-class youth a quality education in modern, practical subjects.
350 pages, Paperback
First published July 26, 1995
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August 3, 2016
(Seeing that there were no reviews of this text, I offer below my notes broken up roughly by chapter.)
Reese begins his text by introducing the historiography of the history of education, a conversation dominated by Bailyn, Cremin, Katz, and eventually Kaestle. Reese seems to situate himself in this conversation as somewhat revisionist but more precisely focused on formal schooling than some of his predecessors, this being a review of the history of American high schools specifically.
Reese traces the origins of the American high school to - where else? - Boston. Situated at the heart of most reviews of antebellum education reform, Reese tracks the genesis of the English Classical School. He argues that this is the first public high school. It was followed quickly by efforts in other cities around the country, most of which were responding to a diminishing demand for Latin amid shifting economic fortunes.
Next, Reese describes the competition between public high schools and the academies which often predated them. These academies often required tuition, and Reese is quick to point out that this period did not offer substantial opportunity for working class individuals to reach higher education. Proponents of public high schools preferred their accountability and uniformity, which, compared to the eclectic academies, seemed like decent sectarian ways to control the flow of information to children.
Reese documents well the idea that Whigs inherited the idea of republicanism and utilized it to gain popularity for their high schools. They attacked academies as un-republican, and made the case that high schools would be able to level the playing field for all Americans, rich or poor. Opponents of academies even characterized them as monastic institutions to stoke anti Catholic fervor. Such an idea only grew in popularity as Whigs (and eventually Republicans) took up several other reform efforts.
The opposition to the American high school was often characterized at the time as coming from either the very rich or very poor. Reese constructs an argument that the rich often supported these high schools. He also opines that the opposition used the elitist narrative to attempt to alienate the working class voters from the heavy tax burden caused by schools. He claims that higher education long faced criticism from the "common man" as being aristocratic. Others simply believed that high schools reached beyond the original goal of common schooling and were too expensive. School reformers also often complained about rural areas not innovating at the same pace as urban schools. Southerners also saw little use for free schools. Several presidents of prominent colleges expressed fear that public high schools would dilute the pool of candidates for admission to universities. A sort of archetypal opponent of high schools was Charles Stuart, a wealthy Democrat who opposed high taxes and hated classical languages. Though he passionately fought high schools in his time as a state representative and US senator, he and others like him were largely unsuccessful in even slowing the growth of high schools across the country.
Next Reese addresses the complex question of "what exactly was a high school?" At the time, Whigs obsessed over the structure of high schools; they believed that “The temples of the ancient world and the cathedrals of the middle ages showed the estimation in which religion was held by their builders.” Such palatial structures often drew the ire of critics who derided them as “castles” which were a waste of taxpayer dollars. Reformers seemed to believe that these opulent structures would attract wealthier students away from their academies. Towns and cities seemed almost in competition to decide who could construct the most princely school. Many high schools were attacked for their excessive cost in comparison to common schools, and superintendents were occasionally forced to extract tuition from scholars to placate political opposition and subsidize expense. While critics spent ink arguing that high schools were focused on a classical education, reformers preached a practical, or English, curriculum. Ultimately, high schools represented a wide variety of curricula due to their disparate geneses. Reformers made the simple argument that more schools meant more Benjamin Franklins. The tension between educators who valued knowledge for its own sake and those who attended school for economic reasons seems to be an intractable problem of American education.
The proliferation of textbooks helped to standardize education across the country. Reformers fought vigorously for their adoption, and a mass market developed around their sale. Many became rich, perhaps from nefarious means. Textbook writers often were college educated New Englanders. Many of the science textbooks placed spiritualism and faith in a Christian God at the center. Advanced mathematics like algebra, geometry, and trigonometry made their way into the English curriculum despite their lack of utility. Many identified math as critical to the development of the American empire. History texts were predictably Eurocentric, Christian, and nationalistic. Economy classes praised Smithian capitalism.
High school teachers were better paid than their elementary and grammar school counterparts. Many were referred to as “professor,” but this came with a variety of complaints from outsiders. Men were generally favored over women for employment, and those women who were hired received less pay. By the 1880s, more women were hired and came to represent a majority of teachers in many high schools. Teachers instructed in several different subjects at first, but gradually specialization dominated. Public recitation “remained basic to public education throughout the century.” It was entrenched because it was the fundamental form of assessment at this time. Textbooks matched this pedagogy. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, written examinations began to gain a stronger foothold. This came in the form of the entrance examination, which helped to standardize instruction at lower grade levels. These exams needed to tow a fine line between maintaining exclusivity and keeping the high school full and relevant to the taxpaying community. Gradually, more and more students were admitted on average.
Moral codes were emphasized as part of the undergirding school philosophy. As per the times, this was done with the Bible. High schools were seen as a replacement for the old apprenticeship system of decades past. Parents were particularly concerned with that pernicious class of boys from age 14-20 who seemed predisposed to problematic behavior. Schoolmen constantly tried to normalize the ages of those enrolled in the various schools against the efforts of many parents. Schools had always been viewed as moral institutions, but there was a special emphasis on high schools controlling the behavior of teenagers. These institutions seemed to be dominated by middle class students. Critics argued that poorer students could not access high school because their primary schooling was not of a high enough quality or consistency. In the end, entrance exams probably meant that more advantaged students had access to high schools.
Students, when they attended high school, were judged on three facets: attendance, deportment, and scholarship. “To attend school regularly and punctually was a moral imperative, according to many bourgeois writers.” Parents, however, still tended to keep their students home for frivolous reasons. The most committed students could see how their attendance directly affected their performance in prize competitions. In general, students cooperated with the moral rules set forth by high schools, and corporal punishment was generally not implemented. Boys, as always, were usually the targets of more serious punishments like suspensions and expulsions. In terms of scholarship, teachers expected students to study 2-3 hours a night. However, some successful anti homework campaigns existed in the 1860s. Many worried that too much studying would sicken students, especially females, while school officials continued to argue that “laziness [was] a greater evil than overstudy.” Educators complained that students often only cared about grades and not about the content knowledge.
According to one statistician’s metric, there existed only 11 high schools in 1850. By 1890, there were 2,526. Far more places claimed to have high schools than those figures, though. This discrepancy is derived from the fact that educators across the country had varying definitions of what constituted a high school education, Reese writes, “Efforts to standardize secondary schools foundered on the shoals of localism.” The South exhibited all the problems that Northerns faced, but compounded. They fell short in attendance, punctuality, advancement, grading, and construction of dedicated schools. They still relied heavily on private academies to provide higher education. Segregated schooling began for high schools in some areas before the 1880s. Even by the end of the 19th century, in many places only 5% of all students matriculated to high schools. Women, meanwhile, would come to make up a majority of high school students. While most women did not attend all-female schools, these schools received the most attention; they often prepared the women for a career as a teacher or for republican motherhood.
High schools experienced huge turnover and dropout rates in the 19th century. In one representative school, 51% of students were enrolled in the freshman class; only 11% were seniors. Debate raged as to why students left, but the consensus seemed to be that employment often dragged them away from finishing school: “Young America is too eager to begin to make money.” For those that did graduate, commencement matched the ceremonies offered by colleges. Some observers worried that the pomp of the ceremony and expensive dress of the participants would exclude the poor. After graduation, death still raged on the value of the graduates themselves. Some argued that they were elitists who “produced nothing” while others believed they were essential to the democratic experiment.
Reese begins his text by introducing the historiography of the history of education, a conversation dominated by Bailyn, Cremin, Katz, and eventually Kaestle. Reese seems to situate himself in this conversation as somewhat revisionist but more precisely focused on formal schooling than some of his predecessors, this being a review of the history of American high schools specifically.
Reese traces the origins of the American high school to - where else? - Boston. Situated at the heart of most reviews of antebellum education reform, Reese tracks the genesis of the English Classical School. He argues that this is the first public high school. It was followed quickly by efforts in other cities around the country, most of which were responding to a diminishing demand for Latin amid shifting economic fortunes.
Next, Reese describes the competition between public high schools and the academies which often predated them. These academies often required tuition, and Reese is quick to point out that this period did not offer substantial opportunity for working class individuals to reach higher education. Proponents of public high schools preferred their accountability and uniformity, which, compared to the eclectic academies, seemed like decent sectarian ways to control the flow of information to children.
Reese documents well the idea that Whigs inherited the idea of republicanism and utilized it to gain popularity for their high schools. They attacked academies as un-republican, and made the case that high schools would be able to level the playing field for all Americans, rich or poor. Opponents of academies even characterized them as monastic institutions to stoke anti Catholic fervor. Such an idea only grew in popularity as Whigs (and eventually Republicans) took up several other reform efforts.
The opposition to the American high school was often characterized at the time as coming from either the very rich or very poor. Reese constructs an argument that the rich often supported these high schools. He also opines that the opposition used the elitist narrative to attempt to alienate the working class voters from the heavy tax burden caused by schools. He claims that higher education long faced criticism from the "common man" as being aristocratic. Others simply believed that high schools reached beyond the original goal of common schooling and were too expensive. School reformers also often complained about rural areas not innovating at the same pace as urban schools. Southerners also saw little use for free schools. Several presidents of prominent colleges expressed fear that public high schools would dilute the pool of candidates for admission to universities. A sort of archetypal opponent of high schools was Charles Stuart, a wealthy Democrat who opposed high taxes and hated classical languages. Though he passionately fought high schools in his time as a state representative and US senator, he and others like him were largely unsuccessful in even slowing the growth of high schools across the country.
Next Reese addresses the complex question of "what exactly was a high school?" At the time, Whigs obsessed over the structure of high schools; they believed that “The temples of the ancient world and the cathedrals of the middle ages showed the estimation in which religion was held by their builders.” Such palatial structures often drew the ire of critics who derided them as “castles” which were a waste of taxpayer dollars. Reformers seemed to believe that these opulent structures would attract wealthier students away from their academies. Towns and cities seemed almost in competition to decide who could construct the most princely school. Many high schools were attacked for their excessive cost in comparison to common schools, and superintendents were occasionally forced to extract tuition from scholars to placate political opposition and subsidize expense. While critics spent ink arguing that high schools were focused on a classical education, reformers preached a practical, or English, curriculum. Ultimately, high schools represented a wide variety of curricula due to their disparate geneses. Reformers made the simple argument that more schools meant more Benjamin Franklins. The tension between educators who valued knowledge for its own sake and those who attended school for economic reasons seems to be an intractable problem of American education.
The proliferation of textbooks helped to standardize education across the country. Reformers fought vigorously for their adoption, and a mass market developed around their sale. Many became rich, perhaps from nefarious means. Textbook writers often were college educated New Englanders. Many of the science textbooks placed spiritualism and faith in a Christian God at the center. Advanced mathematics like algebra, geometry, and trigonometry made their way into the English curriculum despite their lack of utility. Many identified math as critical to the development of the American empire. History texts were predictably Eurocentric, Christian, and nationalistic. Economy classes praised Smithian capitalism.
High school teachers were better paid than their elementary and grammar school counterparts. Many were referred to as “professor,” but this came with a variety of complaints from outsiders. Men were generally favored over women for employment, and those women who were hired received less pay. By the 1880s, more women were hired and came to represent a majority of teachers in many high schools. Teachers instructed in several different subjects at first, but gradually specialization dominated. Public recitation “remained basic to public education throughout the century.” It was entrenched because it was the fundamental form of assessment at this time. Textbooks matched this pedagogy. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, written examinations began to gain a stronger foothold. This came in the form of the entrance examination, which helped to standardize instruction at lower grade levels. These exams needed to tow a fine line between maintaining exclusivity and keeping the high school full and relevant to the taxpaying community. Gradually, more and more students were admitted on average.
Moral codes were emphasized as part of the undergirding school philosophy. As per the times, this was done with the Bible. High schools were seen as a replacement for the old apprenticeship system of decades past. Parents were particularly concerned with that pernicious class of boys from age 14-20 who seemed predisposed to problematic behavior. Schoolmen constantly tried to normalize the ages of those enrolled in the various schools against the efforts of many parents. Schools had always been viewed as moral institutions, but there was a special emphasis on high schools controlling the behavior of teenagers. These institutions seemed to be dominated by middle class students. Critics argued that poorer students could not access high school because their primary schooling was not of a high enough quality or consistency. In the end, entrance exams probably meant that more advantaged students had access to high schools.
Students, when they attended high school, were judged on three facets: attendance, deportment, and scholarship. “To attend school regularly and punctually was a moral imperative, according to many bourgeois writers.” Parents, however, still tended to keep their students home for frivolous reasons. The most committed students could see how their attendance directly affected their performance in prize competitions. In general, students cooperated with the moral rules set forth by high schools, and corporal punishment was generally not implemented. Boys, as always, were usually the targets of more serious punishments like suspensions and expulsions. In terms of scholarship, teachers expected students to study 2-3 hours a night. However, some successful anti homework campaigns existed in the 1860s. Many worried that too much studying would sicken students, especially females, while school officials continued to argue that “laziness [was] a greater evil than overstudy.” Educators complained that students often only cared about grades and not about the content knowledge.
According to one statistician’s metric, there existed only 11 high schools in 1850. By 1890, there were 2,526. Far more places claimed to have high schools than those figures, though. This discrepancy is derived from the fact that educators across the country had varying definitions of what constituted a high school education, Reese writes, “Efforts to standardize secondary schools foundered on the shoals of localism.” The South exhibited all the problems that Northerns faced, but compounded. They fell short in attendance, punctuality, advancement, grading, and construction of dedicated schools. They still relied heavily on private academies to provide higher education. Segregated schooling began for high schools in some areas before the 1880s. Even by the end of the 19th century, in many places only 5% of all students matriculated to high schools. Women, meanwhile, would come to make up a majority of high school students. While most women did not attend all-female schools, these schools received the most attention; they often prepared the women for a career as a teacher or for republican motherhood.
High schools experienced huge turnover and dropout rates in the 19th century. In one representative school, 51% of students were enrolled in the freshman class; only 11% were seniors. Debate raged as to why students left, but the consensus seemed to be that employment often dragged them away from finishing school: “Young America is too eager to begin to make money.” For those that did graduate, commencement matched the ceremonies offered by colleges. Some observers worried that the pomp of the ceremony and expensive dress of the participants would exclude the poor. After graduation, death still raged on the value of the graduates themselves. Some argued that they were elitists who “produced nothing” while others believed they were essential to the democratic experiment.
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