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Myanmar: State, Society and Ethnicity
This volume focuses on some of the most important and topical questions about Myanmar. Many of these issues have not been sufficiently researched, comprehensively compiled, and comparatively examined within the broader Southeast Asian context. Especially important contributions in the book pertain to issues of historical influence and political considerations that have shaped the dominant thinking within the state and the military. There are equally important studies of sensitive topics like the political economy of the state and the level of human security in the country. The three major ethnic groups in the country - Karen, Kachin, and Shan - are also studied in detail. Some of the negotiations between the Karen and Kachin ethnic insurgent group representatives on the one hand, and the military junta on the other, are spelled out in detail. An important corollary finding is the importance of religion and religious personalities in brokering peace between the ethnic groups and the military government. Finally, the book deals with how the various ethnic groups are trying to cope with decades of conflict and reconstruct their communities.
324 pages, Hardcover
First published February 1, 2007
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February 10, 2026
Rough Essay
A collaborative project from the Hiroshima Peace Institute(Japan) and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies(Singapore). The 11 established writers approach the ongoing conflicts between government and insurgent groups, and a poverty crisis among citizens in 12 chapters that are distinct in perspective. The current status of the Myanmar citizen is an accumulation of several political factors with perennial impact: polarization, isolation, religion, separatism, colonialism, communism, federalism, etc. The volume attempts to approach the topic comprehensively, giving attention to every key factor that has led to the current status. Having been published in 2007, there is no mention of current or recent events such as the 2015 national elections or the 2021 military coup d'état. There are, however, assumptions made to a peaceful future in the region. The formation of the Commission for National Convention in 1992, which initiated the drafting of a new constitution that included autonomous rights for ethnic groups, at the time was perceived as a positive step towards unity. The earlier chapters, conversely, dig into the history of the region and how it immensely impacts the current status. Readers are taken further back than the colonial period of ministerial Burma, to a time when communities were not separated by ethnicity but by farming and cultivation methods.
What outside sources fail to understand with the case of peace-building in Myanmar are internal conflicts between ethnic groups-ethnic groups and government-ethnic groups. The status is not something that will be resolved with a simple democratic election, though a step towards unity. Ethnic consciousness has developed over a long period of time and heightened by the intervention of Western missionaries during the colonial period. There are also states in the North-East bordering China that are made up mostly of the Chinese, and the Wa state that has been taken by the BCP(Burmese Communist Party, China-affiliate). The main conflict has always been peripheral states, tribes, ethnic groups against the central Bamarr(Burman) government. To achieve peace, grass-roots efforts have proven to be essential. Grass-roots efforts are the linkages to opposing parties. It is a space of neutrality and co-operation for a greater cause. It is the grass-roots efforts of civil organizations and local communities that ultimately led to the formation of the five-member Karen Peace Mediator Group. The Karenni officials could not ignore the impoverished citizens and took initiative that was long overdue. This group later became essential to cease-fire discussions between the KNU(Karen National Union) and the military junta. Post-1988, accompanied by an open market economy, the military government had proven to be more open to dialogue with various ethnic groups. However, the military government is incompetent. The main reason why the cease-fire discussions fell apart in 2004 with the KNU is because of an internal conflict in the military junta. These efforts to find linkages should be extended to all ethnic groups, and the armed struggle on the battlefield should be transferred to the political struggle around the table. Grass-roots efforts can also help with inter-communal relations. Take the celebration of Kachin State Day and Manau Festival for example. A celebration of culture through activities that mobilize the citizens towards appreciation for one another. Armed ethnic groups as well as social welfare organizations regularly attend these events. It is a rare occasion to see the KIO(Kachin Independence Organization) and KIA Ran Pru together in a civil manner, despite KIA Ran Pur being formed by the leading actor in the attempted 2004 coup in the KIO. Same for the NDA-K(New Democratic Army-Kachin) and the breakaway NDA-K that also attended the celebrations. It should be kept in mind that, with discourse surrounding conflicts between ethnic groups and government, there is discourse lost on citizens. It is the care for citizens that can link opposing groups together and have talks aimed at peace.
The military government has failed to instill social capital with sustained positive impact; therefore, humanitarian aid is imperative. With Myanmar being a disease-riddled region, it is essential for there to be global and local humanitarian intervention. Though Myanmar has achieved an increase in public health infrastructure and labor, it has also increased its private health sector at an alarmingly larger rate. Public healthcare expenditure has stagnated under military rule, never reaching over 0.5 percent of the total share of GDP. An increase in public health infrastructure and labor would allude to more government hospital visits; however, WHO statistics do not show this. Conversely, government hospital visits have decreased every year. Such statistics reflect the absence of trust within the public healthcare system, and this starts with a lack of funding and care towards the sector. Citizens who once could rely on private healthcare as an alternative to the inadequate public healthcare find a hard time do so as well. Private healthcare costs have tremendously increased, augmented by the open market economy. Due to a complete absence of health insurance or financial aid, healthcare has become accessible only to the high economic class. There are civil organizations that financially help citizens in need; however, they cannot give adequate healthcare to all, and further financial aid must come. The region unfortunately, is riddled with diseases, most prominently HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, etc. In the case of HIV/AIDS, WHO had released a study in 2001 that showed there were 510,000 HIV infections within the 19-49 age cohort. In times like these, there must be global humanitarian aid to Myanmar. Scenarios such as the US cancelling what was scheduled as 94 million dollars in aid through the Global Fund are detrimental. As much as it reflects on the incompetence of US foreign relations capabilities, it is 100 times more revealing of the incompetence of the Myanmar government amid a crisis. NGOs such as the Geneva-based GDF(Global Drug Facility) should continue to provide aid to combat high national morbidity. The fight against diseases is a fight that requires global unity; political isolation, as it has been under military rule, will be detrimental.
While the text has alluded to a peaceful future amongst all ethnic groups and government, the current status does not satisfy this assumption. Before the 2021 military coup, ceasefires had taken place, and governance was partly civilian-ruled. Currently, the military presence of the SAC(State Administration Council) is in total control of governance. Advocation for civilian rights must persist, incompetence must not be tolerated, and global aid must come through. Sanctions do not help. It simply pushes the military government into further political isolation, where it is hard for foreign NGOs to even provide essential humanitarian aid. Japan, US, European Union, etc, should be ridiculed for their cutting of aid. No statistic supports sanctions on Myanmar. There are little statistics that support sanctions on any country in the history of the world. Sanctions throughout history have been subject to the “spillover effect,” leading to the plight of ordinary civilians.
A collaborative project from the Hiroshima Peace Institute(Japan) and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies(Singapore). The 11 established writers approach the ongoing conflicts between government and insurgent groups, and a poverty crisis among citizens in 12 chapters that are distinct in perspective. The current status of the Myanmar citizen is an accumulation of several political factors with perennial impact: polarization, isolation, religion, separatism, colonialism, communism, federalism, etc. The volume attempts to approach the topic comprehensively, giving attention to every key factor that has led to the current status. Having been published in 2007, there is no mention of current or recent events such as the 2015 national elections or the 2021 military coup d'état. There are, however, assumptions made to a peaceful future in the region. The formation of the Commission for National Convention in 1992, which initiated the drafting of a new constitution that included autonomous rights for ethnic groups, at the time was perceived as a positive step towards unity. The earlier chapters, conversely, dig into the history of the region and how it immensely impacts the current status. Readers are taken further back than the colonial period of ministerial Burma, to a time when communities were not separated by ethnicity but by farming and cultivation methods.
What outside sources fail to understand with the case of peace-building in Myanmar are internal conflicts between ethnic groups-ethnic groups and government-ethnic groups. The status is not something that will be resolved with a simple democratic election, though a step towards unity. Ethnic consciousness has developed over a long period of time and heightened by the intervention of Western missionaries during the colonial period. There are also states in the North-East bordering China that are made up mostly of the Chinese, and the Wa state that has been taken by the BCP(Burmese Communist Party, China-affiliate). The main conflict has always been peripheral states, tribes, ethnic groups against the central Bamarr(Burman) government. To achieve peace, grass-roots efforts have proven to be essential. Grass-roots efforts are the linkages to opposing parties. It is a space of neutrality and co-operation for a greater cause. It is the grass-roots efforts of civil organizations and local communities that ultimately led to the formation of the five-member Karen Peace Mediator Group. The Karenni officials could not ignore the impoverished citizens and took initiative that was long overdue. This group later became essential to cease-fire discussions between the KNU(Karen National Union) and the military junta. Post-1988, accompanied by an open market economy, the military government had proven to be more open to dialogue with various ethnic groups. However, the military government is incompetent. The main reason why the cease-fire discussions fell apart in 2004 with the KNU is because of an internal conflict in the military junta. These efforts to find linkages should be extended to all ethnic groups, and the armed struggle on the battlefield should be transferred to the political struggle around the table. Grass-roots efforts can also help with inter-communal relations. Take the celebration of Kachin State Day and Manau Festival for example. A celebration of culture through activities that mobilize the citizens towards appreciation for one another. Armed ethnic groups as well as social welfare organizations regularly attend these events. It is a rare occasion to see the KIO(Kachin Independence Organization) and KIA Ran Pru together in a civil manner, despite KIA Ran Pur being formed by the leading actor in the attempted 2004 coup in the KIO. Same for the NDA-K(New Democratic Army-Kachin) and the breakaway NDA-K that also attended the celebrations. It should be kept in mind that, with discourse surrounding conflicts between ethnic groups and government, there is discourse lost on citizens. It is the care for citizens that can link opposing groups together and have talks aimed at peace.
The military government has failed to instill social capital with sustained positive impact; therefore, humanitarian aid is imperative. With Myanmar being a disease-riddled region, it is essential for there to be global and local humanitarian intervention. Though Myanmar has achieved an increase in public health infrastructure and labor, it has also increased its private health sector at an alarmingly larger rate. Public healthcare expenditure has stagnated under military rule, never reaching over 0.5 percent of the total share of GDP. An increase in public health infrastructure and labor would allude to more government hospital visits; however, WHO statistics do not show this. Conversely, government hospital visits have decreased every year. Such statistics reflect the absence of trust within the public healthcare system, and this starts with a lack of funding and care towards the sector. Citizens who once could rely on private healthcare as an alternative to the inadequate public healthcare find a hard time do so as well. Private healthcare costs have tremendously increased, augmented by the open market economy. Due to a complete absence of health insurance or financial aid, healthcare has become accessible only to the high economic class. There are civil organizations that financially help citizens in need; however, they cannot give adequate healthcare to all, and further financial aid must come. The region unfortunately, is riddled with diseases, most prominently HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, etc. In the case of HIV/AIDS, WHO had released a study in 2001 that showed there were 510,000 HIV infections within the 19-49 age cohort. In times like these, there must be global humanitarian aid to Myanmar. Scenarios such as the US cancelling what was scheduled as 94 million dollars in aid through the Global Fund are detrimental. As much as it reflects on the incompetence of US foreign relations capabilities, it is 100 times more revealing of the incompetence of the Myanmar government amid a crisis. NGOs such as the Geneva-based GDF(Global Drug Facility) should continue to provide aid to combat high national morbidity. The fight against diseases is a fight that requires global unity; political isolation, as it has been under military rule, will be detrimental.
While the text has alluded to a peaceful future amongst all ethnic groups and government, the current status does not satisfy this assumption. Before the 2021 military coup, ceasefires had taken place, and governance was partly civilian-ruled. Currently, the military presence of the SAC(State Administration Council) is in total control of governance. Advocation for civilian rights must persist, incompetence must not be tolerated, and global aid must come through. Sanctions do not help. It simply pushes the military government into further political isolation, where it is hard for foreign NGOs to even provide essential humanitarian aid. Japan, US, European Union, etc, should be ridiculed for their cutting of aid. No statistic supports sanctions on Myanmar. There are little statistics that support sanctions on any country in the history of the world. Sanctions throughout history have been subject to the “spillover effect,” leading to the plight of ordinary civilians.
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