- How widespread is child sexual abuse? - Which groups of children are at greatest risk? - Why do offenders offend? - What are the initial and long-term effects of sexual abuse on victims? - How can child sexual abuse be prevented? - How should researchers approach the problem? David Finkelhor is a leading researcher in the field of family violence and child sexual abuse. He is the author of two previous books on the subject, Sexually Victimized Children and Child Sexual New Theory and Research . Finkelhor is also known for his work in other areas of family violence. He is a co-editor of Dark Side of
It must first be acknowledged that this book is almost 40 years old now, and thus may be outdated in many respects.
With this disclaimer though, I found it very eye-opening. Finkelhor pulls from a large array of studies from his time to make conclusions or inferences that might surprise us even today. Some particularly shocking and/or disconcerting learnings:
1. There are very large discrepancies between CSA studies, e.g. prevalence studies, with some even directly contradicting others. This is largely explained by faulty methodologies introducing implicit biases, e.g. differing sampling techniques.
2. Abusers can counterintuitively be highly moralistic, asserting and/or even believing rigid moral rules (e.g. aversion to premarital sex, affairs, etc.) while ironically violating higher-order moral rules in their abuse (e.g. incest, necessarily premarital sex, etc.). I find it strange that they can reconcile their actions with their strict moral beliefs.
3. Some facts are clear. Many (note: not all or even most) abusers are former CSA victims themselves. They are often introverted, socially awkward or immature, have issues with adult relationships, etc. Risk factors include alcohol problems by the abuser and disabilities in the victim. Familial conflict and existence of a stepfather are highly correlated with abuse (especially the latter). It should be noted however that most abusers are generally of average or slightly below average intelligence, which may defy common preconceptions.
4. There is a very clear pattern of negative effects following abuse for children, both mental and physical, depending on the type of abuse and relationship with the abuser. Finkelhor categorizes these into an understandable multivariate scheme split by traumatic sexualization, stigmatization, betrayal, and powerlessness.
5. The section I was most interested in was about prevention programs, in Ch. 8. In particular, I was convinced by the necessity of the parental role in prevention education, especially at a very young age. Abuse often happens much earlier than expected and by family members or acquaintances, necessitating earlier prevention education. Unfortunately this role is vastly occupied by only women, if at all. It underscores the need for men to initiate these conversations as well, something to keep in mind for potential and existing fathers.
6. Current school prevention programs often fail at long-term retention - children generally revert to their preconceived notions. They are highly restricted politically, and often face resistance by parents concerned about sex education approaches. Additionally, there is an unconfirmed possibility of adverse effects - e.g. fear of adults, undermining parental authority, discouraging healthy sexual exploration, etc. I would be interested to see more recent work that examines these hypothetical effects, and the efficacy of abuse prevention programs in general.
My sole critiques of this book are the lack of representation for CSA against male victims (which perhaps is more so a complaint against the academia of the time) and a lack of exploration into peer-to-peer CSA, particularly with age gaps. While Finkelhor includes some brief notes on the latter, it still felt awfully dismissive of the unique dynamic in these contexts, at least in my experience. They can be incredibly complex, perhaps even more so than standard CSA schemes. I wish he addressed minority cases too - e.g., at least anecdotally, it can be true that the “victim” (they do not refer to themselves as such) believes they actually left with positive experiences. It would be interesting to study how CSA can be perceived positively, and whether this is simply another trauma response in the eyes of academia or whether there is something deeper.
CSA is an understandably uncomfortable topic, and even studying it can have an unfortunate stigma attached to it. But it’s imperative, based on the research, that we understand the characteristics, risk factors, and prevention methods related to these abuses, especially when in an authority position (e.g. parents, teachers, physicians, etc.). It is a phenomenon that is much more common than most realize.
To hurt a child, I have always held, is the highest form of crime against humanity. But those that remain ignorant bystanders in the name of “normalcy”, avoiding conversations about CSA as a “taboo topic” and failing to notice the signs around them, also share the blame.
It's dry research compiled in a book - but it's probably one of the most comprehensive works done on the problem of child sexual abuse and molesters. Full of excellent insights and suggestions for future research. I think I read an older edition of this, but it was still enlightening.
Not necessarily a "fun" read, but good for anyone doing research.
Decent information,but I wish for a more updated handling of the subjects. This was written in the 80s. I was looking for more on the non-protective parents and family and their dynamics.