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Rise of Nationalism In Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia: 1873-1964
This first comprehensive and thoroughly documented study of the political development of two of the newly formed nations of Central Africa presents the full story of the successful efforts of the people of Malawi and Zambia to achieve self-government. Following a detailed examination of the impact of British colonial rule, the author provides a new interpretation of the earliest demonstrations of native discontent and he explains how the forces of protest found expression through proto-political parties and the formation of religious sects and millennial movements. He also interprets the objectives and tactics of the ruling white settlers in their abortive effort to establish the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.Basing his analysis on archival and other primary sources, including interviews with leading figures, Robert Rotberg traces the origins of the full-fledged political parties in both countries and describes the early congresses which were to become the dominant movements during the struggle for independence in Central Africa. He ends with an analysis of that struggle, bringing the story to its successful conclusion in late 1964. A postscript discusses the important changes of 1965.
Hardcover
First published January 1, 1965
About the author
Robert I. Rotberg
110 books11 followersRobert Irwin Rotberg is an American academic who served as President of the World Peace Foundation (1993–2010). A professor in governance and foreign affairs, he was director of the Program on Intrastate Conflict, Conflict Prevention, and Conflict Resolution at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government (1999–2010), and has served in administrative positions at Tufts University and Lafayette College.
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September 2, 2021
Robert Rotberg’s The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa traces the development of the independence process in Malawi and Zambia from the initial days of European colonization. He wants to disprove the settler charge that African unrest was the result of ambitious African agitators and irresponsible white communists. The research for the book included interviews with key leaders like Kenneth Kaunda and Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda and examination of archives and district records in both states as well as private papers and unpublished documents.
Colonization of Central Africa was largely the work of Cecil Rhodes and the British South Africa Company. Rhodes persuaded the government to grant him a charter to rule the area at his own expense in 1889. Sir Harry Johnston was able to convince the government to declare a protectorate over Nyasa land in 1891 to prevent the area from being claimed by Portugal. Johnston divided the protectorate into districts and use British commissioners to collect hut taxes to force Africans to seek work on settler farms. Northern Rhodesia was ruled under a similar system by the Company.
Rotberg emphasizes the dislocating effects of colonial rule. With British rule absolute, traditional leaders lost much of their authority. Even when Lugard’s policy of Indirect Rule was applied to Central Africa in the 1930s, Africans had practically no political influence. The settlers took over the rich Shire Highlands in Nyasaland which remained a deep-seated grievance of the Africans until independence. In Northern Rhodesia, settlers took charge of land along the railroad to Ndola, but land never became as heated an issue there as the land was not as fertile and there was a large amount of other land available for Africans.
The Hut Tax was instrumental in disrupting traditional ways of life. If the tax was not paid, a man’s hut might be burned or his wives seized until it was paid. The result was a decrease in polygyny, a general migration to urban areas to find work, and a rise in divorce, adultery, and prostitution.
In 1927, Northern Rhodesia introduced requirements for Africans to carry passes to enter towns and to move at night, similar to those of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, and Kenya. Africans were also denied access to higher education and were subject to discrimination in the forces of various types of color bars. Because of the larger settler population in Northern Rhodesia, the discrimination against Africans tended to be more severe there than in Nyasaland and was a major sources of African grievances.
Being denied access to formal political power, Africans protested their treatment in different ways. One avenue was to form independence religious bodies which set up schools for Africans. The Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society believed in a second coming in 1914 and foresaw a peaceful uprising of masses world-wide. Europeans were intimidated by these developments as they recalled the religious leaders associated with the 1896 uprising in Southern Rhodesia. After John Chilembwe (inspired to some degree by John Brown) launched his abortive uprising in 1915 to protest the use of Nyasas in World War I, the settler governments severely restricted the actions of fringe churches.
After World War I, three forms of African protest developed. Those few educated Africans working in the civil service or in schools forms associations to agitate peacefully for reforms in the colonial system. The government basically ignored them and, since the educated Africans made no attempt to mobilize the masses of African workers and peasants, the associations had no force to back up their demands. A more serious form of protest developed in the mines of Northern Rhodesia when, in 1935 and 1940, African miners struck to protest low wages and, most importantly, the color bar to advancement to higher levels of management. They resented having whites supervise them who did little or no work and were inexperienced (yet were paid considerably more money). Although the Africans did win modest increases in wages, the basic issue of advancement was not resolved. Religious movements (like the Watch Tower Society and witch eradication cults) continued during the interwar period. The Watch Tower Movement was blamed for inciting the Copperbelt riots (which led the governments of both colonies to ban their literature and exile key leaders).
Rotberg convincingly argues that the settler effort to unite Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia with Southern Rhodesia galvanized the African nationalist movement in both colonies. The Africans feared federation because they assumed that the extreme racist policies of Southern Rhodesia would dominate the federation and that settler control over government would be solicited. They did not believe settler leaders like Roy Welensky and Godfrey Huggins who talked about “partnership” with Africans. In protest, the Africans in both colonies formed their own political congresses which acted as umbrella organizations to unite African associations. Despite the bitter opposition of these Congresses to federation, the British government approved it in August 1953 for the following reasons: to stop the spread of both black nationalism and Afrikaner racist ideas (especially after the Nationalist Party’s victory in South Africa in 1948); to establish a sounder economic organization in Central Africa (Nyasaland had been a drain on the British Exchequer); and to benefit British commercial interests associated with Northern Rhodesian copper and southern Rhodesian tobacco.
The African response was to follow the lead of independence movements in India and the Gold Coast by initiating a campaign of mass protest (involving boycotts, demonstrations, and strikes). In Nyasaland, these efforts led to significant violence in 1959 and, in response the governments of both protectorates banned the Zambian African National Congress and the Nyasaland African Congress and arrested key leaders like Banda and Kaunda. However, these actions gave the nationalists greater importance in the eyes of local Africans and British leaders and encouraged the formation of African political parties. Colonial Secretary Ian Macleod realized the strength of these movements and, much like in West Africa, gradually granted Africans self-government. The federation was dissolved in December 1963 and independence granted the next year.
One aspect of this development which Rotberg does not discuss at length is the resistance to the Federation among conservative Afrikaners in Southern Rhodesia. I believe they indirectly abetted the independence movement. They feared having the British government force a power-sharing system involving the Africans on the federation against their will. Thus, they were eager to break away from the Federation before they lost their hold on power.
Rotberg’s book proves his point that the resistance to European rule in Malawi and Zambia has a long history. He also clearly demonstrates the galvanizing effects on the independence movements of both the settler actions to form the Central African Federation and international developments such as Ghana’s independence. His use of District reports in the narrative helps the reader understand settler reactions to African actions.
Colonization of Central Africa was largely the work of Cecil Rhodes and the British South Africa Company. Rhodes persuaded the government to grant him a charter to rule the area at his own expense in 1889. Sir Harry Johnston was able to convince the government to declare a protectorate over Nyasa land in 1891 to prevent the area from being claimed by Portugal. Johnston divided the protectorate into districts and use British commissioners to collect hut taxes to force Africans to seek work on settler farms. Northern Rhodesia was ruled under a similar system by the Company.
Rotberg emphasizes the dislocating effects of colonial rule. With British rule absolute, traditional leaders lost much of their authority. Even when Lugard’s policy of Indirect Rule was applied to Central Africa in the 1930s, Africans had practically no political influence. The settlers took over the rich Shire Highlands in Nyasaland which remained a deep-seated grievance of the Africans until independence. In Northern Rhodesia, settlers took charge of land along the railroad to Ndola, but land never became as heated an issue there as the land was not as fertile and there was a large amount of other land available for Africans.
The Hut Tax was instrumental in disrupting traditional ways of life. If the tax was not paid, a man’s hut might be burned or his wives seized until it was paid. The result was a decrease in polygyny, a general migration to urban areas to find work, and a rise in divorce, adultery, and prostitution.
In 1927, Northern Rhodesia introduced requirements for Africans to carry passes to enter towns and to move at night, similar to those of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, and Kenya. Africans were also denied access to higher education and were subject to discrimination in the forces of various types of color bars. Because of the larger settler population in Northern Rhodesia, the discrimination against Africans tended to be more severe there than in Nyasaland and was a major sources of African grievances.
Being denied access to formal political power, Africans protested their treatment in different ways. One avenue was to form independence religious bodies which set up schools for Africans. The Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society believed in a second coming in 1914 and foresaw a peaceful uprising of masses world-wide. Europeans were intimidated by these developments as they recalled the religious leaders associated with the 1896 uprising in Southern Rhodesia. After John Chilembwe (inspired to some degree by John Brown) launched his abortive uprising in 1915 to protest the use of Nyasas in World War I, the settler governments severely restricted the actions of fringe churches.
After World War I, three forms of African protest developed. Those few educated Africans working in the civil service or in schools forms associations to agitate peacefully for reforms in the colonial system. The government basically ignored them and, since the educated Africans made no attempt to mobilize the masses of African workers and peasants, the associations had no force to back up their demands. A more serious form of protest developed in the mines of Northern Rhodesia when, in 1935 and 1940, African miners struck to protest low wages and, most importantly, the color bar to advancement to higher levels of management. They resented having whites supervise them who did little or no work and were inexperienced (yet were paid considerably more money). Although the Africans did win modest increases in wages, the basic issue of advancement was not resolved. Religious movements (like the Watch Tower Society and witch eradication cults) continued during the interwar period. The Watch Tower Movement was blamed for inciting the Copperbelt riots (which led the governments of both colonies to ban their literature and exile key leaders).
Rotberg convincingly argues that the settler effort to unite Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia with Southern Rhodesia galvanized the African nationalist movement in both colonies. The Africans feared federation because they assumed that the extreme racist policies of Southern Rhodesia would dominate the federation and that settler control over government would be solicited. They did not believe settler leaders like Roy Welensky and Godfrey Huggins who talked about “partnership” with Africans. In protest, the Africans in both colonies formed their own political congresses which acted as umbrella organizations to unite African associations. Despite the bitter opposition of these Congresses to federation, the British government approved it in August 1953 for the following reasons: to stop the spread of both black nationalism and Afrikaner racist ideas (especially after the Nationalist Party’s victory in South Africa in 1948); to establish a sounder economic organization in Central Africa (Nyasaland had been a drain on the British Exchequer); and to benefit British commercial interests associated with Northern Rhodesian copper and southern Rhodesian tobacco.
The African response was to follow the lead of independence movements in India and the Gold Coast by initiating a campaign of mass protest (involving boycotts, demonstrations, and strikes). In Nyasaland, these efforts led to significant violence in 1959 and, in response the governments of both protectorates banned the Zambian African National Congress and the Nyasaland African Congress and arrested key leaders like Banda and Kaunda. However, these actions gave the nationalists greater importance in the eyes of local Africans and British leaders and encouraged the formation of African political parties. Colonial Secretary Ian Macleod realized the strength of these movements and, much like in West Africa, gradually granted Africans self-government. The federation was dissolved in December 1963 and independence granted the next year.
One aspect of this development which Rotberg does not discuss at length is the resistance to the Federation among conservative Afrikaners in Southern Rhodesia. I believe they indirectly abetted the independence movement. They feared having the British government force a power-sharing system involving the Africans on the federation against their will. Thus, they were eager to break away from the Federation before they lost their hold on power.
Rotberg’s book proves his point that the resistance to European rule in Malawi and Zambia has a long history. He also clearly demonstrates the galvanizing effects on the independence movements of both the settler actions to form the Central African Federation and international developments such as Ghana’s independence. His use of District reports in the narrative helps the reader understand settler reactions to African actions.
July 6, 2022
Quite a detailed account of independence movement in central africa at Malawi and Zambia. References are provided to most pf the incidents.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews