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message 1: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (last edited Mar 19, 2019 02:57AM) (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
This is the thread to discuss Civil Rights as it relates to Selma.

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message 3: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Andrew Young recalls Selma in talk at University of Georgia

Former Atlanta mayor and current U.N. Ambassador Andrew Young speaks during the annual Martin Luther King Jr. Freedom Breakfast at the University of Georgia on Friday, Jan. 23, 2015 in Athens, Ga. (Richard Hamm/Staff) OnlineAthens / Athens Banner-Herald Richard Hamm/Staff

By LEE SHEARER - updated Friday, January 23, 2015 - 10:46pm

Andrew Young didn’t speak much about the recent movie “Selma” in a talk at the University of Georgia on Friday.

Young has praised the recently-released movie loosely based on the historic civil rights march in the Alabama town in 1965.

But on Friday, he recommended his own 2011 documentary on the Selma march and its legacy — “Leaving Selma,” directed by Young and C.B. Hackworth — and shared his own memories of some of the events on which the movie is based.

Young was the keynote speaker at Athens’ annual MLK Freedom Breakfast in UGA’s Tate Student Center Friday morning. Organized by UGA, the Clarke County School District and the Athens-Clarke County Unified Government, the annual breakfast honors the legacy of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.

Young, now 82, was with King when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1964. On the way back, King and Young dropped by to see President Lyndon Johnson, Young told the crowd of nearly 600 people.

Earlier that year, segregationists led by U.S. Sen. Richard Russell of Georgia had filibustered for months before the Senate passed the historic Civil Rights Act of 1964, but King prevailed on Johnson to do more, Young recalled.

King wanted Johnson to push a bill through Congress that would give blacks the right to vote. At the time, laws and practices in Southern states like Georgia made it difficult or impossible for black citizens to vote.

Johnson said he couldn’t introduce the Voting Rights Act in 1965 after struggling much of 1964 with the filibuster.

“I’m sorry, but I just don’t have the power right now,” Johnson said.
After that meeting more than 50 years ago, King said something that surprised Young.

“I think we need to find the president some power,” King told Young.
Just a few months later, in March 1965, Johnson got that power when thousands of nonviolent marchers led by King were attacked by police in Selma, Ala.

The nationally televised police brutality outraged the nation, even in the South. Johnson introduced the Voting Rights Bill of 1965, saying “We shall overcome” as he did, and in August, Congress approved it, Johnson signed it, and it was law.
“It seemed so easy,” Young said, except it cost the lives of a young man, shot by police as he tried to protect his mother from billy clubs, and a minister, killed by a group of whites during the march.

Young was on the same page as Johnson, thinking politically. But King thought spiritually, said Young, a close aide to King who was also there in 1968 when the beloved civil rights leader was slain by an assassin in Memphis.

“Ultimately he thought all human beings have a streak of decency that could be revealed if you treated them with respect and brought that decency forth,” Young said of King.

The effects of the voting rights bill changed U.S. history, said Young, who after 1965 went on to national prominence at a number of posts, including two-term mayor of Atlanta, a moving force in bringing the 1996 Centennial Olympic Games to Atlanta, and as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations under Jimmy Carter.

“Jimmy Carter never could have been president without that bill,” Young said. Neither Bill Clinton nor Barack Obama would have been elected without it, he said.
Today, problems remain, as demonstrated by the recent police shootings of black men in several U.S. cities, Young said.

But race isn’t the central issue it was then, he said.

“Most of the things we have to deal with are not related to race but class,” he said.

“It’s all green (as in money).”

And the way to fix that problem is to give police officers decent pay and training, he said.

“If you want a society to work, you’ve got to pay teachers and you’ve got to pay police officers,” he said.

During Young’s eight years as Atlanta mayor, the police department because more diverse — about half black, half white, and 30 percent female.

“We made democracy work in Atlanta,” he said.

message 4: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
What led to Selma - one of reasons for the choice of Selma and some other specific cities was Laurie Pritchett - the police chief in Albany, Georgia.

Former reporter and editor Claude Sitton and journalist Gene Roberts explain how Police Chief Laurie Pritchett stifled the civil rights movement in Albany, Ga. - Martin Luther King studied Pritchett back and learned from this set back.

Who was Laurie Pritchett

Pritchett, Laurie (1926-2000) from the King Encyclopedia

As police chief of Albany, Georgia, Laurie Pritchett gained national attention when he effectively thwarted the efforts of the Albany Movement in 1961–1962. Pritchett’s nonviolent response to demonstrations, including the mass arrests of protesters and the jailing of Martin Luther King, Jr., was seen as an effective strategy in bringing the campaign to an end before the movement could secure any concrete gains.

Pritchett was born on 9 December 1926, in Griffin, Georgia. Pritchett attended Auburn University and South Georgia College before graduating from the National Academy of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Southern Police Institute at the University of Louisville. An Army veteran, he was also a decorated and distinguished member of numerous law enforcement organizations. By 1961 Pritchett had risen to become Albany’s Chief of Police.

In 1961 Charles Sherrod and Cordell Reagon of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) began to organize a grassroots movement in Albany, Georgia. Gaining the support of Albany State College students, local ministers, and others in the community, SNCC contested racial segregation in bus and train stations, libraries, parks, and hospitals; and discrimination in jury representation, voting, and employment. Pritchett ordered his officers to enforce the law without using violence in public and to make arrests under laws protecting the public order, rather than under the more legally unstable segregation laws. According to King, ‘‘Chief Pritchett felt that by directing his police to be nonviolent, he had discovered a new way to defeat the demonstrations’’ (King, 69). Pritchett, who had anticipated mass arrests, arranged to have access to jails in nearby cities available for the hundreds of arrested demonstrators. Pritchett also ordered his officers to enforce the law without using violence in public and to make arrests under laws protecting the public order, rather than under the more legally unstable segregation laws.

At the invitation of W. G. Anderson, president of the Albany Movement, King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) arrived in Albany in December 1961. King’s presence in Albany drew national attention to the protests. When King and Ralph Abernathy were found guilty of parading without a permit in July 1962, an anonymous man paid their bail. King wanted to remain in jail to pressure city officials to negotiate in good faith with the Albany Movement, and in a statement following his release, King said: ‘‘This is one time that I’m out of jail and I’m not happy to be out’’ (King, Statement, 12 July 1962). King and Abernathy were arrested again in late July, but were given suspended sentences and released. The judgment brought much relief to Pritchett, who was well aware throughout the campaign that demonstrations increased when King was jailed.

Throughout the movement, white Albany city officials never followed through on any of the compromises reached with protesters. In December 1961 demonstrations were temporarily halted by the promise that bus and train stations would be desegregated, protesters would be released from jail, and a biracial committee would be formed to discuss segregation issues in Albany. Albany city officials stalled on implementing these changes, and did not uphold all parts of the agreement. Despite the dishonesty of some Albany officials, however, King believed Pritchett was inherently a good person. ‘‘I sincerely believe that Chief Pritchett is a nice man, a basically decent man, but he’s so caught up in a system that he ends up saying one thing to us behind closed doors and then we open the newspaper and he’s said something else to the press’’ (King, Address, 12 July 1962).

In August 1962, King left Albany with no tangible civil rights gains achieved. While many in the press called the movement ‘‘one of the most stunning defeats’’ in King’s career, Pritchett was lauded for his use of nonviolence (‘‘King Suffered’’). Pritchett’s nonviolent approach left an indelible imprint on King, who later wrote of his indignation at Pritchett’s use of ‘‘the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral ends of racial injustice’’ (King, 99).

After leaving Albany, Pritchett served as chief of police in High Point, North Carolina, until his retirement in 1975. Although King and Pritchett were adversaries in the 1960s, Pritchett later considered King a ‘‘close personal friend’’ (Pritchett, 23 April 1976). He died in 2000, at the age of 73.

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Francie Grice Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement

Walking with the Wind A Memoir of the Movement by John Robert Lewis by John Robert Lewis John Robert Lewis and Michael D'Orso Michael D'Orso


An eloquent, epic firsthand account of the civil rights movement by a man who lived it-an American hero whose courage, vision, and dedication helped change history. The son of an Alabama sharecropper, and now a sixth-term United States Congressman, John Lewis has led an extraordinary life, one that found him at the epicenter of the civil rights movement in the late '50s and '60s. As Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Lewis was present at all the major battlefields of the movement. Arrested more than forty times and severely beaten on several occasions, he was one of the youngest yet most courageous leaders.

Written with charm, warmth, and honesty, Walking with the Wind offers rare insight into the movement and the personalities of all the civil rights leaders-what was happening behind the scenes, the infighting, struggles, and triumphs. Lewis takes us from the Nashville lunch counter sit-ins to the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, where he led more than five hundred marchers on what became known as "Bloody Sunday." While there have been exceptional books on the movement, there has never been a front-line account by a man like John Lewis. A true American hero, his story is "destined to become a classic in civil rights literature." (Los Angeles Times)

message 6: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Thank you Francie for your add.

message 7: by Bryan (new)

Bryan Craig This is an interesting blog post on Selma and the movie:

message 8: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (last edited Mar 08, 2015 10:35AM) (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Very interesting Bryan - I oddly found this on The Atlantic - I disagree in part with some of the cherry picking that Calonico did to reinforce his theories - I also think that LBJ was making his language and approach fit the man he was talking to which was going to enable him to keep a lid on the potential violence that LBJ feared would be unleashed on the marchers and on King. LBJ knew the South at this time and knew how recalcitrant Wallace was - I think LBJ had been given a very tough hand to play. This was actually found by The Atlantic on Calonico's blog site. The problem with all of this is that the atmosphere in 1965 was so bad that LBJ was trying to juggle a bunch of hot potatoes (all men with big egos who would not back down) and aside from Abraham Lincoln - I do not know of a president who had it any worse and in spite of that did the most for the Civil Rights Movement - however vintage LBJ.

But here is the Calonico timeline with telephone calls and video which is also powerfully done. Again I also say that this is a "small" snippet of the whole big and awful picture

What LBJ Really Said About Selma
Mar 05, 2015 | 165-part series
Video by Scott Calonico

Fifty years ago, a civil rights march began in Selma, Alabama. Nearly 600 people intended to walk to the state capitol in Montgomery, led by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, where they would demand to speak with then-Gov. George Wallace about the death of Jimmie Lee Jackson, a 26-year-old who was shot by police the previous month.

The march barely made it out of Selma. When protestors crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge on March 7, they were ambushed by state troopers. Mounted police charged the protestors on horseback; troopers beat people unconscious; 17 were hospitalized. News of the "Bloody Sunday" attack immediately spread across the country.

The next morning, as filmmaker Scott Calonico recounts in this short documentary, President Lyndon B. Johnson faced a crisis. While he publicly condemned the attack, Johnson was also calling allies and advisors, searching for a political salve to the situation. "They're going to have another march tomorrow, and, as we see it, it's going to go from bad to worse," he warned.

Calonico's film is a fascinating peek at the politics behind a historic moment in American history. In a conversation with Bill Moyers, a White House special assistant, Johnson expresses a shocking disdain for Martin Luther King Jr.'s actions: "I really think we ought to be firm on him myself," he says. "I just think it's outrageous what's on TV. I've been watching it here and it looks like that man is in charge of the country."

This film collects archival material from the LBJ Library, the Miller Center, the Tennessee State Archives, the Internet Archive, and the Library of Congress.

The Video:

message 9: by Francie (new)

Francie Grice Obama at Selma: What It Was Like to Be There

Obama at Selma What It Was Like to Be There by Will Bevis by Will Bevis (no photo)


This Story is for all those who have ever wanted to see President Obama in person but couldn't.
It tells what it was actually like to be there among the 50,000 or so other people
That day, March 7th, 2015,
when the first Black President of the United States of America
came to speak at the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama.
I was there, and I tell you what we had to go through
to try to be as close as we could...
to the current most powerful man in the world...
I was lucky enough to be able to make the trip...
As a writer...
I wan't to share the experience with those who wanted to be there...
But couldn't be.
I hope you enjoy it.

Will Bevis
Gadsden, Alabama
March 12th, 2015

message 10: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Thank you for remembering Amelia Boynton Robinson

message 11: by Jill (new)

Jill Hutchinson (bucs1960) A true symbol of the civil rights movement. RIP Ms. Robinson.

message 12: by Francie (new)

Francie Grice Selma to Saigon: The Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War

Selma to Saigon The Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War by Daniel S. Lucks by Daniel S. Lucks (no photo)


The civil rights and anti--Vietnam War movements were the two greatest protests of twentieth-century America. The dramatic escalation of U.S. involvement in Vietnam in 1965 took precedence over civil rights legislation, which had dominated White House and congressional attention during the first half of the decade. The two issues became intertwined on January 6, 1966, when the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) became the first civil rights organization to formally oppose the war, protesting the injustice of drafting African Americans to fight for the freedom of the South Vietnamese people when they were still denied basic freedoms at home.

Selma to Saigon explores the impact of the Vietnam War on the national civil rights movement. Before the war gained widespread attention, the New Left, the SNCC, and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) worked together to create a biracial alliance with the potential to make significant political and social gains in Washington. Contention over the war, however, exacerbated preexisting generational and ideological tensions that undermined the coalition, and Lucks analyzes the causes and consequences of this disintegration.

This powerful narrative illuminates the effects of the Vietnam War on the lives of leaders such as Whitney Young Jr., Stokely Carmichael, Roy Wilkins, Bayard Rustin, and Martin Luther King Jr., as well as other activists who faced the threat of the military draft along with race-related discrimination and violence. Providing new insights into the evolution of the civil rights movement, this book fills a significant gap in the literature about one of the most tumultuous periods in American history.

message 13: by Francie (new)

Francie Grice In Peace and Freedom: My Journey in Selma

In Peace and Freedom My Journey in Selma by Bernard LaFayette Jr. by Bernard LaFayette Jr. (no photo), Kathryn Lee Johnson (no photo), and Raymond Arsenault (no photo)


Bernard LaFayette Jr. (b. 1940) was a cofounder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), a leader in the Nashville lunch counter sit-ins, a Freedom Rider, an associate of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and the national coordinator of the Poor People's Campaign. At the young age of twenty-two, he assumed the directorship of the Alabama Voter Registration Project in Selma -- a city that had previously been removed from the organization's list due to the dangers of operating there.

In this electrifying memoir, written with Kathryn Lee Johnson, LaFayette shares the inspiring story of his years in Selma. When he arrived in 1963, Selma was a small, quiet, rural town. By 1965, it had made its mark in history and was nationally recognized as a battleground in the fight for racial equality and the site of one of the most important victories for social change in our nation.

LaFayette was one of the primary organizers of the 1965 Selma voting rights movement and the Selma-to-Montgomery marches, and he relates his experiences of these historic initiatives in close detail. Today, as the constitutionality of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act is still questioned, citizens, students, and scholars alike will want to look to this book as a guide. Important, compelling, and powerful, "In Peace and Freedom" presents a necessary perspective on the civil rights movement in the 1960s from one of its greatest leaders.

message 14: by Jill (last edited Oct 27, 2015 02:28PM) (new)

Jill Hutchinson (bucs1960) Lest we forget what happened to those who marched in peace at Selma, I felt compelled to post this picture.

message 15: by Francie (new)

Francie Grice Turning 15 on the Road to Freedom: My Story of the Selma Voting Rights March

Turning 15 on the Road to Freedom My Story of the Selma Voting Rights March by Lynda Blackmon Lowery by Lynda Blackmon Lowery (no photo)


A memoir of the Civil Rights Movement from one of its youngest heroes

As the youngest marcher in the 1965 voting rights march from Selma to Montgomery, Albama, Lynda Blackmon Lowery proved that young adults can be heroes. Jailed nine times before her fifteenth birthday, Lowery fought alongside Martin Luther King, Jr. for the rights of African-Americans. In this memoir, she shows today's young readers what it means to fight nonviolently (even when the police are using violence, as in the Bloody Sunday protest) and how it felt to be part of changing American history.

Straightforward and inspiring, this beautifully illustrated memoir brings readers into the middle of the Civil Rights Movement, complementing Common Core classroom learning and bringing history alive for young readers.

message 16: by Lorna, Assisting Moderator (T) - SCOTUS - Civil Rights (new)

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Protest at Selma: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Voting Rights Act of 1965

Protest at Selma Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by David J. Garrow by David J. Garrow (no photo)


“The work of David J. Garrow is more than a day-by-day account of how the historic Voting Rights Act of 1965 came into being.  It is also a skillful analysis of the dynamics of protest activity and more particularly of the ways in which successful protesters deliberately use the mass media to influence uninvolved audiences.” –American Historical Review

“A valuable book, because it is a reminder of both the heroism and the brutality displayed in the great civil rights crusade.” –David Herbert Donald, The New Republic

“One of the most comprehensive studies yet of a single campaign within the civil-rights movement.” –Pat Watters, New York Times Book Review

“An excellent fusion of important theoretical constructs with careful and thoughtful empirical analysis.  A desirable addition to most college libraries, useful for a variety of courses….Thoroughly documented.  Recommended.” –Choice

message 17: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Great adds Lorna - good job

message 18: by Lorna, Assisting Moderator (T) - SCOTUS - Civil Rights (new)

Lorna | 1925 comments Mod
Selma to Montgomery March

In early 1965, Martin Luther King Jr.’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) made Selma, Alabama, the focus of its efforts to register black voters in the South. That March, protesters attempting to march from Selma to the state capital of Montgomery were met with violent resistance by state and local authorities. As the world watched, the protesters (under the protection of federalized National Guard troops) finally achieved their goal, walking around the clock for three days to reach Montgomery. The historic march, and King’s participation in it, greatly helped raise awareness of the difficulty faced by black voters in the South, and the need for a Voting Rights Act, passed later that year.

Marchers stream across the Alabama River in this March 21, 1965 photo on the first of a five-day, 50-mile march to the state capitol at Montgomery. (Photo: AP)


Even after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbade discrimination in voting on the basis of race, efforts by civil rights organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Council (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to register black voters met with fierce resistance in southern states such as Alabama. In early 1965, Martin Luther King Jr. and SCLC decided to make Selma, located in Dallas County, Alabama, the focus of a voter registration campaign. Alabama Governor George Wallace was a notorious opponent of desegregation, and the local county sheriff in Dallas County had led a steadfast opposition to black voter registration drives. As a result, only 2 percent of Selma’s eligible black voters (300 out of 15,000) had managed to register.

King had won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964, and his higher profile would help draw international attention to Selma during the eventful months that followed. On February 18, white segregationists attacked a group of peaceful demonstrators in the nearby town of Marion. In the ensuing chaos, an Alabama state trooper fatally shot Jimmie Lee Jackson, a young African-American demonstrator. In response to Jackson’s death, King and the SCLC planned a massive protest march from Selma to the state capitol of Montgomery, 54 miles away. A group of 600 people set out on Sunday, March 7, but didn’t get far before Alabama state troopers wielding whips, nightsticks and tear gas rushed the group at the Edmund Pettis Bridge and beat them back to Selma. The brutal scene was captured on television, enraging many Americans and drawing civil rights and religious leaders of all faiths to Selma in protest.


King himself led another attempt on March 9, but turned the marchers around when state troopers again blocked the road. That night, a group of segregationists beat another protester, the young white minister James Reeb, to death. Alabama state officials (led by Walllace) tried to prevent the march from going forward, but a U.S. district court judge ordered them to permit it. President Lyndon Johnson also backed the marchers, going on national television to pledge his support and lobby for passage of new voting rights legislation he was introducing in Congress. Some 2,000 people set out from Selma on March 21, protected by U.S. Army troops and Alabama National Guard forces that Johnson had ordered under federal control. After walking some 12 hours a day and sleeping in fields along the way, they reached Montgomery on March 25.

Nearly 50,000 supporters–black and white–met the marchers in Montgomery, where they gathered in front of the state capitol to hear King and other speakers including Ralph Bunche (winner of the 1950 Nobel Peace Prize) address the crowd. “No tide of racism can stop us,” King proclaimed from the building’s steps, as viewers from around the world watched the historic moment on television.


On March 17, 1965, even as the Selma-to-Montgomery marchers fought for the right to carry out their protest, President Lyndon Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress, calling for federal voting rights legislation to protect African Americans from barriers that prevented them from voting. That August, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, which guaranteed the right to vote (first awarded by the 15th Amendment) to all African Americans. Specifically, the act banned literacy tests as a requirement for voting, mandated federal oversight of voter registration in areas where tests had previously been used, and gave the U.S. attorney general the duty of challenging the use of poll taxes for state and local elections.

Along with the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act was one of the most expansive pieces of civil rights legislation in American history. Its effects greatly reduced the disparity between black and white voters in the U.S. and allowed a greater number of African Americans to enter political life at the local, state and national level.

Link to article:
Link to videotapes:

Selma 1965 The March That Changed the South by Charles Fager by Charles Fager (no photo)
Turning 15 on the Road to Freedom My Story of the Selma Voting Rights March by Lynda Blackmon Lowery by Lynda Blackmon Lowery (no photo)

Source: The History Channel

message 19: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Thank you Lorna

message 20: by Lorna, Assisting Moderator (T) - SCOTUS - Civil Rights (new)

Lorna | 1925 comments Mod
Selma 1965: The March That Changed the South

Selma 1965 The March That Changed the South by Charles Fager by Charles Fager (no photo)


The high point of the 1960s civil rights movement, Selma was a landmark achievement for Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, religious activists from all over the country, and the brave citizens of Selma who made it happen. This watershed 1965 direct action campaign resulted in passage of the Voting Rights Act.

‘Selma 1965,” first published in 1974, is widely recognized as the most vivid and accurate account of the Selma movement for general readers. For this Fiftieth Anniversary Edition, it has been updated with an overview of the continuing struggles for justice and equality for all, both in Selma and across the Unites States.

Charles Fager was a junior staff member for Dr. King's Southern Christian leadership Conference in 1965. Since then he has been a reporter, researcher, peace activist, and the author of numerous books.
“A fascinating portrait of the most significant campaign of the civil rights movement. Charles Fager’s Selma 1965 does more than any book I have read to bring that epoch back to life. The story of Selma is a rich, complex one, with important positive and negative lessons for anyone who cares about the art of political organizing. Fager’s carefully-researched, precisely written book tells it with great clarity and power.”

– Washington Post Book World

“One of the most notable studies of a social crisis to appear in recent years . . . .As reported in this temperate and balanced account, the victory was not an easy one.”
–Christian Century

“Through graphic scenes and dramatic narration, Selma 1965, provides a fascinating, unforgettable portrait of the most significant campaign of the civil rights movement....His compelling work keeps Selma, 1965, firmly in our memories, our imaginations, and our hearts.”
–Stephen B. Oates, author, Let the Trumpet Sound, The Life of Martin Luther King, Jr.

message 21: by Lorna, Assisting Moderator (T) - SCOTUS - Civil Rights (last edited Mar 04, 2019 05:44PM) (new)

Lorna | 1925 comments Mod
Democratic Presidential Hopefuls Honor Selma March
Democratic presidential candidate Cory Booker says anniversary of infamous "Bloody Sunday" attack is a time to recommit to fight for justice.

U.S. Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., third from left, and the Rev. Jesse Jackson march to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge Sunday, March 3, 2019, during the Bloody Sunday commemoration in Selma, Ala. The infamous “Bloody Sunday” on March 7, 1965, galvanized support for the passage of the Voting Rights Act that year. (AP Photo/Julie Bennett) THE ASSOCIATED PRESS


SELMA, Ala. (AP) - Thunder rolling above Brown Chapel AME Church, Democratic presidential candidate Cory Booker warned Sunday of a looming threat to American democracy and called for protecting the legacy of the civil rights movement with love and action.

"It's time for us to defend the dream," Booker said in a keynote speech at Brown Chapel, which two generations ago was the starting point of a peaceful demonstration in support of voting rights that ended in beatings on the Edmund Pettus Bridge. The infamous "Bloody Sunday" on March 7, 1965, galvanized support for the passage of the Voting Rights Act that year.

"It's time that we dare to dream again in America. That is what it takes to make America great. It is up to us to do the work that makes the dream real," said Booker, a New Jersey senator and one of three White House hopefuls who participated in events commemorating the march.

Saying America faces challenges, Booker said: "People want to make it just about the people in the highest offices of the land. . People who traffic in hatred, people in office that defend Nazis or white supremacists, people that point fingers and forget the lessons of King. What we must repent for are not just the vitriolic words and actions of bad people, but the appalling silence and inaction of good people."

Also visiting Selma on Sunday were Sens. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Sherrod Brown of Ohio. Joining them was Hillary Clinton, the Democratic nominee in 2016. Booker and Brown, along with Clinton and civil rights leader Jesse Jackson, marched with dozens of others Sunday afternoon to Edmund Pettus Bridge. Sanders had left for a campaign event in Chicago.

The throng of marchers had set out from the church and sang freedom songs under a stormy sky as they headed to that sacred spot over the Alabama River to commemorate the peaceful protesters who were met with tear gas and clubs wielded by state troopers.

This year's commemoration came in the early days of a Democratic presidential primary campaign that has focused heavily on issues of race. Several candidates have called President Donald Trump a racist, while others have voiced support for the idea of reparations for the descendants of enslaved black Americans.

Booker and Sanders have already announced their campaigns. Brown is still considering a White House bid. The three gathered for a unity breakfast in Selma to pay homage to its civil rights legacy and highlight how the movement shaped their personal narratives.

For the New Jersey senator, much of the day felt personal. In Brown Chapel he sat next to Jackson, for whom he cast his first ballot as an 18-year-old during Jackson's 1988 presidential campaign. He later marched to the bridge alongside Jackson, their arms locked together.

In his speech, Booker linked the 1965 Selma demonstration to the lawyer who volunteered to help his family buy a home in a white neighborhood after they were discriminated against and repeatedly denied.

"I would not be here if it wasn't for marchers on a bridge who inspired a man a thousand miles away in New Jersey," he said. "The dream is under attack. You honor history by emulating it, by us recommitting ourselves to it."

Brown, currently on a "Dignity of Work" tour inspired by King, returned to Selma for the fifth time. He frequently draws connections between civil rights and worker's rights. A former secretary of state in Ohio, Brown also has a reputation as a leader on expanding voter participation.

"We need to understand what happened here and we need to talk about it so we keep fighting on these issues," Brown told reporters at the breakfast. "It's clear we make progress and then we fall back because of Republican attacks on voting rights."

Link to remainder of article:

Selma 1965 The March That Changed the South by Charles Fager by Charles Fager (no photo)

Source: U.S. News & World Report

message 22: by Lorna, Assisting Moderator (T) - SCOTUS - Civil Rights (new)

Lorna | 1925 comments Mod

John Lewis (foreground) is beaten by a state trooper in Selma, Alabama, on March 7, 1965. The future congressman suffered a fractured skull. | AP Photo

Civil Rights march ends as ‘Bloody Sunday,' March 7, 1965

By ANDREW GLASS March 7, 2018

On this day in 1965, known in history as “Bloody Sunday,” some 600 people began a 54-mile march from Selma, Alabama, to the state Capitol in Montgomery. They were commemorating the death of Jimmie Lee Jackson, who had been shot on Feb. 18 by a state trooper while trying to protect his mother during a civil rights demonstration.

After the marchers crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Selma’s outskirts, white state troopers assaulted them, knocking many to the ground and beating them with nightsticks. Another detachment of troopers fired tear gas while mounted troopers charged the marchers. In all, 17 marchers were hospitalized and 50 treated for lesser injuries.
A national uproar occurred when footage of the melee was broadcast on tens of millions of television sets across the country.

At the time, 100 years after the end of the Civil War, the 15th Amendment had been effectively nullified by discriminatory laws in much of the South, keeping many blacks from the polls. In Selma, where African-Americans made up more than half the population, they constituted about 2 percent of the registered voters.

ABC News interrupted its television premiere of the movie “Judgment at Nuremberg,” about the postwar Nazi war-crimes trials, to show footage of the violence in Selma. Soon thereafter, demonstrations in support of the Selma marchers occurred in 80 U.S. cities, while thousands of religious and lay leaders, including Martin Luther King Jr., flew to Selma.

In Montgomery, U.S. District Court judge Frank Johnson Jr. issued a restraining order barring the march from proceeding while he reviewed the case. President Lyndon B. Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress, saying, “There is no issue of states’ rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. ... We have already waited 100 years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.”

On March 9, King led an integrated group of protesters to the Pettus Bridge. That night, white vigilantes murdered a Northern minister.

On March 15, President Lyndon B. Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress, saying, “There is no issue of states’ rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. We have already waited 100 years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.”

On March 17, Judge Johnson ruled in favor of the demonstrators. “The law is clear,” the judge wrote, “that the right to petition one's government for the redress of grievances may be exercised in large groups ... and these rights may be exercised by marching, even along public highways.”

On March 21, protected by federalized National Guard troops, about 3,200 voting rights advocates left Selma and set out for Montgomery, walking 12 miles a day and sleeping in fields. They stood 25,000 strong on March 25 at the state Capitol in Montgomery. (The route along U.S. Highway 80 is now memorialized as the Selma to Montgomery Voting Rights Trail, and is designated as a U.S. National Historic Trail.)

These events proved to be the key to congressional passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Link to article:

THE SELMA VOTING RIGHTS STRUGGLE & THE MARCH TO MONTGOMERY (Freedom Now Book 2) by Bruce Hartford by Bruce Hartford (no photo)

Source: Politico

message 23: by Bentley, Group Founder, Leader, Chief (new)

Bentley | 44168 comments Mod
Thank you Lorna for the add.

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