Anastasia > Anastasia's Quotes

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  • #1
    Sudhir Venkatesh
    “I'm not sure I'm ready for another big research project just yet," I said.
    Oh Yeah?" he said, handing me one of the beers. "What else you going to do? You can't fix nothing , you never worked a day in your life. The only thing you know how to do is hang out with niggers like us."
    I nearly choked on my beer when he summarized my capacities so succinctly - and, for the most part accurately.”
    Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh , Gang Leader for a Day: A Rogue Sociologist Takes to the Streets

  • #2
    A.M. Homes
    “I grew up convinced that every family was better than mine. I grew up watching other families in awe, hardly able to bear the sensations, the nearly pornographic pleasure of witnessing such small intimacies. I would hover on the edge, knowing that however much they include you—invite you to dinner, take you on family trips—you are never official, you are always the “friend,” the first one left behind.”
    A.M. Homes, The Mistress's Daughter: A Memoir

  • #3
    Neal Gabler
    “Having invited these performances in the first place, the media justified covering them because they were receiving media attention... The result was to make of modern society one giant Heisenberg effect in which the media were not really reporting what people did; they were reporting what people did to get media attention.”
    Neal Gabler, Life: The Movie - How Entertainment Conquered Reality

  • #4
    Joan Didion
    “We tell ourselves stories in order to live...We look for the sermon in the suicide, for the social or moral lesson in the murder of five. We interpret what we see, select the most workable of the multiple choices. We live entirely, especially if we are writers, by the imposition of a narrative line upon disparate images, by the "ideas" with which we have learned to freeze the shifting phantasmagoria which is our actual experience.”
    Joan Didion, The White Album

  • #5
    “Dennis Rader quoted Harvey Glatman as saying, 'It was all about the rope.' What exactly does that mean? The rope symbolized total control. The ultimate fantasy would be to keep these victims alive and dominated indefinitely, although both men knew that wasn't possible.”
    John E. Douglas, Mindhunter: Inside the FBI's Elite Serial Crime Unit

  • #6
    “One of the first things every trainee is taught is that an FBI agent only shoots to kill. The thinking that went into this policy is both rigorous and logical: if you draw your weapon, you have already made the decision to shoot. And if you have made the decision that the situation is serious enough to warrant shooting, you have decided it is serious enough to take a life.”
    John E. Douglas, Mindhunter: Inside the FBI's Elite Serial Crime Unit

  • #7
    “Serial murder may, in fact, be a much older phenomenon than we realize. The stories and legends that have filtered down about witches and werewolves and vampires may have been a way of explaining outrages so hideous that no one in the small and close-knit towns of Europe and early America could comprehend the perversities we now take for granted. Monsters had to be supernatural creatures. They couldn't be just like us.”
    John E. Douglas, Mindhunter: Inside the FBI's Elite Serial Crime Unit

  • #8
    Theodore J. Kaczynski
    “A chorus of voices exhorts kids to study science. No one stops to ask whether it is inhumane to force adolescents to spend the bulk of their time studying subjects most of them hate. When skilled workers are put out of a job by technical advances and have to undergo “retraining,” no one asks whether it is humiliating for them to be pushed around in this way. It is simply taken for granted that everyone must bow to technical necessity, and for good reason: If human needs were put before technical necessity there would be economic problems, unemployment, shortages or worse. The concept of “mental health” in our society is defined largely by the extent to which an individual behaves in accord with the needs of the system and does so without showing signs of stress.”
    Theodore J. Kaczynski, Industrial Society and Its Future: The Unabomber Manifesto

  • #9
    Theodore J. Kaczynski
    “There is goоd reason to believe that primitive mаn suffered from less stress and frustration and was better satisfied with his way of life than modern mаn is.”
    Ted Kacyzinski, The Unabomber's Manifesto

  • #10
    James Renner
    “Get out of my store or I'm going to beat your head in." This should have been enough motivation for me to leave. But can I be honest here? I'm the kind of guy who, when you tell me you'e going to beat my head in, I'll stay around to make you do it.”
    James Renner, True Crime Addict: How I Lost Myself in the Mysterious Disappearance of Maura Murray

  • #11
    James Renner
    “Some families are magnets for tragedy, it's been my experience that those who have suffered the most are usual the first ones to suffer again.”
    James Renner, True Crime Addict: How I Lost Myself in the Mysterious Disappearance of Maura Murray

  • #12
    Thomas Frank
    “Professional-class liberals aren't really alarmed by oversized rewards for society's winners; on the contrary, this seems natural to them -- because they are society's winners. The liberalism of professionals just does not extend to matters of inequality; this is the area where soft hearts abruptly turn hard.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #13
    Thomas Frank
    “Innovation liberalism is "a liberalism of the rich," to use the straightforward phrase of local labor leader Harris Gruman. This doctrine has no patience with the idea that everyone should share in society's wealth. What Massachusetts liberals pine for, by and large, is a more perfect meritocracy--a system where everyone gets an equal chance and the truly talented get to rise. Once that requirement is satisfied--once diversity has been achieved and the brilliant people of all races and genders have been identified and credentialed--this species of liberal can't really conceive of any further grievance against the system. The demands of ordinary working-class people, Gruman says, are unpersuasive to them: "Janitors, fast-food servers home care or child care providers--most of whom are women and people of color--they don't have college degrees."

    And if you don't have a college degree in Boston--brother, you've got no one to blame but yourself.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #14
    Thomas Frank
    “In its quest for prosperity, the Party of the People declared itself wholeheartedly in favor of a social theory that forthrightly exalted the rich—the all-powerful creative class. For many cities and states, this was the economic strategy; this was what our leaders came up with to revive the urban wastelands and restore the de-industrialized zones. The Democratic idea was no longer to confront privilege but to flatter privilege, to sing the praises of our tasteful new master class. True, this was all done with an eye toward rebuilding the crumbling cities where the rest of us lived and worked, but the consequences of all this “creative class” bootlicking will take a long time to wear off.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #15
    Thomas Frank
    “Professionalism is “postindustrial ideology,” and today the Democrats are the party of the professional class. The party has other constituencies, to be sure—minorities, women, and the young, for example, the other pieces of the “coalition of the ascendant”—but professionals are the ones whose technocratic outlook tends to prevail. It is their tastes that are celebrated by liberal newspapers and it is their particular way of regarding the world that is taken for granted by liberals as being objectively true. Professionals dominate liberalism and the Democratic Party in the same way that Ivy Leaguers dominate the Obama cabinet. In fact, it is not going too far to say that the views of the modern-day Democratic Party reflect, in virtually every detail, the ideological idiosyncrasies of the professional-managerial class.
    Liberalism itself has changed to accommodate its new constituents’ technocratic views. Today, liberalism is the philosophy not of the sons of toil but of the “knowledge economy” and, specifically, of the knowledge economy’s winners”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #16
    Thomas Frank
    “To the liberal class, every big economic problem is really an education problem, a failure by the losers to learn the right skills and get the credentials everyone knows you’ll need in the society of the future.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #17
    Thomas Frank
    “Deleting welfare didn't eliminate poverty itself. We might as well have expected to conquer aging by overturning Social Security.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #18
    Thomas Frank
    “Regardless of who leads it, the professional-class liberalism I have been describing in these pages seems to be forever traveling on a quest for some place of greater righteousness. It is always engaged in a search for some subject of overwhelming, noncontroversial goodness with which it can identify itself and under whose umbrella of virtue it can put across its self-interested class program.

    There have been many other virtue-objects over the years: people and ideas whose surplus goodness could be extracted for deployment elsewhere. The great virtue-rush of the 1990s, for example, was focused on children, then thought to be the last word in overwhelming, noncontroversial goodness. Who could be against kids? No one, of course, and so the race was on to justify whatever your program happened to be in their name. In the course of Hillary Clinton’s 1996 book, It Takes a Village, the favorite rationale of the day—think of the children!—was deployed to explain her husband’s crime bill as well as more directly child-related causes like charter schools.

    You can find dozens of examples of this kind of liberal-class virtue-quest if you try, but instead of listing them, let me go straight to the point: This is not politics. It’s an imitation of politics. It feels political, yes: it’s highly moralistic, it sets up an easy melodrama of good versus bad, it allows you to make all kinds of judgments about people you disagree with, but ultimately it’s a diversion, a way of putting across a policy program while avoiding any sincere discussion of the policies in question. The virtue-quest is an exciting moral crusade that seems to be extremely important but at the conclusion of which you discover you’ve got little to show for it besides NAFTA, bank deregulation, and a prison spree.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #19
    Thomas Frank
    “my purpose here is to scrutinize the tacit Democratic boast about always being better than those crazy Republicans. In truth, what Bill Clinton accomplished were things that no Republican could have done. Thanks to our two-party system, Democratic politicians carry a brand identity that inhibits them in some ways but allows them remarkable latitude in others. They are forever seen as weaklings in the face of the country’s enemies, for example; but on basic economic questions they are trusted to do the right thing for average people. That a Democrat might be the one to pick apart the safety net is a violation of this basic brand identity, but by the very structure of the system it is extremely difficult to hold the party accountable for such a deed. This, in turn, is why only a Democrat was able to do that job and get away with it. Only a Democrat was capable of getting bank deregulation passed; only a Democrat could have rammed NAFTA through Congress; and only a Democrat would be capable of privatizing Social Security, as George W. Bush found out in 2005. “It’s kind of the Nixon-goes-to-China theory,” the conservative Democrat Charles Stenholm told the historian Steven Gillon on this last subject. “It takes a Democrat to do some of the hard choices in social programs.”19”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People?

  • #20
    Thomas Frank
    “You can find dozens of examples of this kind of liberal-class virtue-quest if you try, but instead of listing them, let me go straight to the point: This is not politics. It’s an imitation of politics. It feels political, yes: it’s highly moralistic, it sets up an easy melodrama of good versus bad, it allows you to make all kinds of judgments about people you disagree with, but ultimately it’s a diversion, a way of putting across a policy program while avoiding any sincere discussion of the policies in question. The virtue-quest is an exciting moral crusade that seems to be extremely important but at the conclusion of which you discover you’ve got little to show for it besides NAFTA, bank deregulation, and a prison spree.

    This book is about Democrats, but of course Republicans do it too. The culture wars unfold in precisely the same way as the liberal virtue-quest: they are an exciting ersatz politics that seem to be really important but at the conclusion of which voters discover they've got little to show for it all besides more free-trade agreements, more bank deregulation, and a different prison spree.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #21
    Thomas Frank
    “This is modern liberalism in action: an unregulated virtue-exchange in which representatives of one class of humanity ritually forgive the sins of another class, all of it convened and facilitated by a vast army of well-graduated American professionals, their reassuring expertise propped up by bogus social science, while the unfortunate objects of their high and noble compassion sink slowly back into a preindustrial state.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #22
    Thomas Frank
    “To put it bluntly, it is not clear that cheering for innovation in the bombastic way we see in the blue states actually improves the economic well-being of average citizens. For example, the last fifteen years have been a golden age of financial and software innovation, but they have been feeble in terms of GDP growth. In ideological terms, however, innovation definitely works: as a way of excusing soaring inequality and explaining the exalted status of the rich, it's the best we've got.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People

  • #23
    Thomas Frank
    “It’s striking that so many of the great economic initiatives of the Clinton presidency led eventually to catastrophe. But what really makes this story poisonous is that liberals by and large convinced themselves for many years that nothing had gone wrong at all. Everything Clinton’s team had done was an act of professional-class consensus. Because most of the fuses lit by Clinton and Co. didn’t actually detonate until after he had left office—and by then some science-denying Republican was in the Oval Office—they found it easy to absolve the Democrat from blame. When”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People?

  • #24
    Thomas Frank
    “When the left party in a system severs its bonds to working people—when it dedicates itself to the concerns of a particular slice of high-achieving affluent people—issues of work and income inequality will inevitably fade from its list of concerns.”
    Thomas Frank, Listen, Liberal: Or, What Ever Happened to the Party of the People?

  • #25
    Malcolm Gladwell
    “Achievement is talent plus preparation”
    Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success

  • #26
    Malcolm Gladwell
    “I want to convince you that these kinds of personal explanations of success don't work. People don't rise from nothing....It is only by asking where they are from that we can unravel the logic behind who succeeds and who doesn't.”
    Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success

  • #27
    Malcolm Gladwell
    “In fact, researchers have settled on what they believe is the magic number for true expertise: ten thousand hours.”
    Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success

  • #28
    Malcolm Gladwell
    “We overlook just how large a role we all play--and by 'we' I mean society--in determining who makes it and who doesn't.”
    Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success

  • #29
    Malcolm Gladwell
    “Those three things - autonomy, complexity, and a connection between effort and reward - are, most people will agree, the three qualities that work has to have if it is to be satisfying.”
    Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success

  • #30
    Malcolm Gladwell
    “We cling to the idea that success is a simple function of individual merit and that the world in which we all grow up and the rules we choose to write as a society don't matter at all.”
    Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success



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