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428 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1938
"This was the type for who race prejudice was more important than even the possession of slaves, of which they had few. The distinction between a white man and a man of colour was for them fundamental. It was their all. In defence of it they would bring down the whole of their world." [34]
"The higher bureaucrats, cultivated Frenchmen, arrived in the island without prejudice; and looking for mass support used to help the Mulattoes a little. And mulattoes and big whites had a common bond -- property. Once the revolution was well under way the big whites would have to choose between their allies of race and their allies of property. They would not hesitate long." [44]
"In a slave society the mere possession of personal freedom is a valuable privelege ... Behind all this elaborate tom-foolery of quarteron, sacatra and marabou, was the one dominating fact of San Domingo society -- fear of the slaves" [38]
"The advantages of being white were so obvious that race prejudice against the Negroes permeated he minds of the Mulattoes who so bitterly resented the same thing from the whites [42-43]
Mulatto instability lies not in their blood but in their intermediate position in society. [207]
This was no question of colour, but crudely a question of class, for those blacks who were formerly free stuck to the Mulattoes. Persons of some substance and standing under the old regime, they looked upon the ex-slaves as essentially persons to be governed." [166]
Political treachery is not a monopoly of the white race, and this abominable betrayal so soon after the insurrection shows that political leadership is a matter of programme, strategy and tactics, and not the colour of those who lead it, their oneness of origin with their people, nor the services they have rendered." [106]
"It was a treacherous crime, but it was not treachery to the revolution." [346]
Criticism is not enough. What should Toussaint have done? A hundred and fifty years of history and the scientific study of revolution begun by Marx and Engels, and amplified by Lenin and Trotsky, justify us in pointing to an alternative course. [282]
It was in method and not in principle, that Toussaint failed. The race question is subsidiary to the class question in politics, and to think of imperialism in terms of race is disastrous. But to neglect the racial factor as merely incidental is an error only less grave than to make it fundamental. [283] ... Whereas Lenin kept the party and the masses thoroughly aware of every step, and explained carefully the exact position of the bourgeois servants of the Workers' State, Toussaint explained nothing, and allowed the masses to think that their old enemies were being favoured at their expense. ... and to shoot Moise, the black, for the sake of the whites was more than an error, it was a crime." [284]
"It is probable that, looking at the wild hordes of blacks who surrounded him, his heart sank at the prospect of the war and the barbarism that would follow freedom..." [107]
"It is Toussaint's supreme merit that while he saw European
civilisation as a valuable and necessary thing, and strove to lay its
foundations among his people, he never had the illusion that it
conferred any moral superiority." [271]
That calm confidence in its capacity to deceive is a mark of the mature ruling class." [294]
The rich are only defeated when running for their lives. [78]
But in a deeper sense the life and death are not truly tragic. Prometheus, Hamlet, Lear, Phedre, Ahab, assert what may be the permanent impulses of the human condition against the claims of organised society. They do this in the face of imminent or even certain destruction, and their defiance propels them to heights which make of their defeat a sacrifice which adds to our conception of human grandeur.
Toussaint is in a lesser category. His splendid powers do not rise but decline. Where formerly he was distinguished above all for his prompt and fearless estimate of whatever faced him, we shall see him...misjudging events and people, vacillating in principle...
The hamartia, the tragic flaw...was in Toussaint not a moral weakness. It was a specific error, a total miscalculation of the constituent events. [291]
But they are of little value, for the writers, particularly in England, usually try to be what is known as “fair to both sides.” Thus the reader is led to see most of the explosive incidents of the Revolution, which was really a series of gigantic explosions, as unfortunate excesses. A reactionary historian might miss much of the creative actions and ideas of the revolutionary forces, but he would hardly fail to portray the clash of an irresistible conflict, of suddenly emergent forces pursuing unsuspected aims. In a revolution excesses are the normal, and the historian who does not accept that does not accept the revolution and therefore cannot write its history.