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Latin America in Translation
O mistério do samba
Como o samba, música de morro discriminada pelo resto da população e reprimida pela polícia, transformou-se em símbolo da identidade nacional? Ao mostrar que a nacionalização do samba não consiste em fato isolado - sendo resultado de longo processo de interação entre grupos sociais -, Hermano Vianna procura verificar que essa 'virada' se deu em momento decisivo da história - as décadas de 20 e 30, quando inaugurava-se uma ideia de brasilidade. Nesse livro, a possibilidade de transformação do samba, e das outras formas da cultura popular mestiça, em motivo de orgulho nacional é vista como parte essencial, talvez mesmo principal, de um processo que confere originalidade e vigor à totalidade da cultura brasileira.
193 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1995
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Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews
November 8, 2011
Opening with a lively vignette detailing the interaction between Brazil’s intellectual elite and sambista musicians, Hermano Vianna’s slim volume gracefully divulges the journey taken by samba as it became the “national rhythm “ of Brazil. By tracing samba’s rise to cultural prominence, Vianna also explores the parallel story of how Gilberto Freyre’s writings on racial hybridity, which embraced the mixture of black and white, became Brazil’s central myth of national identity.
The “mystery” alluded to in the monograph’s title refers to the leap many conventional histories of samba have taken between its formerly repressed status as a style limited to the poverty-stricken margins of Rio to its triumphant mainstream success and widespread embrace as a symbol of brasilidade. Vianna argues that members of the intellectual elite, acting as cultural mediators, had long been interacting with Afro-Brazilian musicians and had, over the years, adopted several folk styles including the modinha. Samba’s popularity among the elite grew in the early twentieth century along with Freyre’s writings (Casa-Grande e Senzala/The Masters and the Slaves being the most well known of his works) in which he drew upon contemporary theories of progressive race mixture founded in social Darwinism to argue that miscegenation was a great strength and defining feature of the Brazilian population. Samba similarly valorized black culture, holding it up as a unique representative of an authentic Brazilian identity.
Influenced by the works of historians E. J. Hobsbawm and Ernest Gellner, Vianna illustrates the constructed nature of both Freyre’s racial nationalist myth and its cultural symbol, samba. Following Miroslav’s Hroch’s phases in the history of national movements, these conceptions of Brazilian-ness are first developed by the intelligentsia, often cosmopolitan outsiders like Freyre himself (who had spent a great deal of time in the United States) and the French poet Blaise Cendrars who shed light upon a native culture all too familiar to his modernist Brazilian companions. Vianna’s focus on the construction of Brazilian tradition by these worldly figures demonstrates the importance of transculturation and international comingling to the definition of a singular national identity. While influences from across the Atlantic would prove influential to the development of samba (with many musicians spending extended periods of time abroad), later on, the perceived Americanization of certain sambistas (Carmen Miranda) helped to draw a firm boundary around what was considered “authentically” Brazilian.
The politicization of the hybrid Brazilian character came to a head in the discussions regarding immigration in which specific European groups were targeted in order to hasten the process of whitening among the population. While Freyre did not support this implication of white superiority in his work on the importance of racial mixing, both perspectives, Vianna argues, reflected “a desire for national unity and homogeneity” (50). Vianna goes on to say, with regard to the popularity of The Masters and the Slaves, that “there apparently existed a generalized and widespread expectancy...a yearning for something like Freyre’s warm appreciation of race mixing” (54). This point, while reinforcing the invention of hybridity as a Brazilian “tradition,” also seems to indicate a sense of primordialism, a pre-existing unity held together by the desire for a fixed identity, which undermines his constructivist argument.
Mass support of Brazilian racial and cultural hybridity was realized as a part of the “nationalizing and modernizing project” pursued by the Getúlio Vargas regime (93). It was during this period in the mid-twentieth century that the definition of brasilidade became fixed. In response to fear of American cultural encroachment, “a desire to police the use of the country’s new national symbols” emerged with popular events like carnival and mass media including radio cementing the central role of samba as Brazil’s national music (94). It is not until this point in the history of samba, that Vianna discusses the role of the state in propagating nationalist sentiments.
Unlike in Gellner’s Nations and Nationalism, Vianna concentrates less on the role of the state and more on the cultural elite as creators and conveyors of this new national identity. However, the state and its attendant media mechanisms seem an essential step in the popularization of samba as constitutive of Brazilian identity, “relegating other Brazilian musical traditions to ‘regional’ status” (92). This then leads to the question, why did samba prevail over other popular musical styles? While the question of how samba was embraced by the intellectual elite has been answered, a new mystery arises—how and why did the state and the masses embrace it above all others? This leap remains unexplained in Vianna’s account. Furthermore on this point, what role does regional music play in a hybrid identity like that of Brazil—do they represent a extension of the mixed culture or an attempt to withdraw from it? While he uses popular music to explore how sam ba and its attendant racial ideology were embraced by the public, Vianna investigates this phenomenon from the top down. He focuses on the accounts of the well-educated and privileged “cultural mediators” with little time spent on the motives, inspirations, and general reflections of the sambistas themselves (or their working class audience for that matter). This represents a particularly troubling silence in an otherwise fascinating study on the formation of Brazilian popular national identity.
The “mystery” alluded to in the monograph’s title refers to the leap many conventional histories of samba have taken between its formerly repressed status as a style limited to the poverty-stricken margins of Rio to its triumphant mainstream success and widespread embrace as a symbol of brasilidade. Vianna argues that members of the intellectual elite, acting as cultural mediators, had long been interacting with Afro-Brazilian musicians and had, over the years, adopted several folk styles including the modinha. Samba’s popularity among the elite grew in the early twentieth century along with Freyre’s writings (Casa-Grande e Senzala/The Masters and the Slaves being the most well known of his works) in which he drew upon contemporary theories of progressive race mixture founded in social Darwinism to argue that miscegenation was a great strength and defining feature of the Brazilian population. Samba similarly valorized black culture, holding it up as a unique representative of an authentic Brazilian identity.
Influenced by the works of historians E. J. Hobsbawm and Ernest Gellner, Vianna illustrates the constructed nature of both Freyre’s racial nationalist myth and its cultural symbol, samba. Following Miroslav’s Hroch’s phases in the history of national movements, these conceptions of Brazilian-ness are first developed by the intelligentsia, often cosmopolitan outsiders like Freyre himself (who had spent a great deal of time in the United States) and the French poet Blaise Cendrars who shed light upon a native culture all too familiar to his modernist Brazilian companions. Vianna’s focus on the construction of Brazilian tradition by these worldly figures demonstrates the importance of transculturation and international comingling to the definition of a singular national identity. While influences from across the Atlantic would prove influential to the development of samba (with many musicians spending extended periods of time abroad), later on, the perceived Americanization of certain sambistas (Carmen Miranda) helped to draw a firm boundary around what was considered “authentically” Brazilian.
The politicization of the hybrid Brazilian character came to a head in the discussions regarding immigration in which specific European groups were targeted in order to hasten the process of whitening among the population. While Freyre did not support this implication of white superiority in his work on the importance of racial mixing, both perspectives, Vianna argues, reflected “a desire for national unity and homogeneity” (50). Vianna goes on to say, with regard to the popularity of The Masters and the Slaves, that “there apparently existed a generalized and widespread expectancy...a yearning for something like Freyre’s warm appreciation of race mixing” (54). This point, while reinforcing the invention of hybridity as a Brazilian “tradition,” also seems to indicate a sense of primordialism, a pre-existing unity held together by the desire for a fixed identity, which undermines his constructivist argument.
Mass support of Brazilian racial and cultural hybridity was realized as a part of the “nationalizing and modernizing project” pursued by the Getúlio Vargas regime (93). It was during this period in the mid-twentieth century that the definition of brasilidade became fixed. In response to fear of American cultural encroachment, “a desire to police the use of the country’s new national symbols” emerged with popular events like carnival and mass media including radio cementing the central role of samba as Brazil’s national music (94). It is not until this point in the history of samba, that Vianna discusses the role of the state in propagating nationalist sentiments.
Unlike in Gellner’s Nations and Nationalism, Vianna concentrates less on the role of the state and more on the cultural elite as creators and conveyors of this new national identity. However, the state and its attendant media mechanisms seem an essential step in the popularization of samba as constitutive of Brazilian identity, “relegating other Brazilian musical traditions to ‘regional’ status” (92). This then leads to the question, why did samba prevail over other popular musical styles? While the question of how samba was embraced by the intellectual elite has been answered, a new mystery arises—how and why did the state and the masses embrace it above all others? This leap remains unexplained in Vianna’s account. Furthermore on this point, what role does regional music play in a hybrid identity like that of Brazil—do they represent a extension of the mixed culture or an attempt to withdraw from it? While he uses popular music to explore how sam ba and its attendant racial ideology were embraced by the public, Vianna investigates this phenomenon from the top down. He focuses on the accounts of the well-educated and privileged “cultural mediators” with little time spent on the motives, inspirations, and general reflections of the sambistas themselves (or their working class audience for that matter). This represents a particularly troubling silence in an otherwise fascinating study on the formation of Brazilian popular national identity.
August 18, 2025
This book can be pretty academic at times, but the information within is interesting. The author ties together the themes of Brazilian musical, racial, and political culture in a way that makes lots of sense as a layman.
It may help to be familiar with Gilberto Freyre’s works and significance to Brazilian intellectual culture before reading this book as he is brought up a lot. Having read his famous trilogy on Brazilian anthropology, I understand why he is so included in the book, but I could see somebody uninitiated being confused.
It may help to be familiar with Gilberto Freyre’s works and significance to Brazilian intellectual culture before reading this book as he is brought up a lot. Having read his famous trilogy on Brazilian anthropology, I understand why he is so included in the book, but I could see somebody uninitiated being confused.
July 14, 2025
A beautiful book: the forest and the trees of samba.
I had planned only to skim it. I was looking for a quick description of samba. But when I entered I lost track of my original purpose.
If you are looking for musicology you might be disappointed. Instead Vianna provides a story of how "samba" and "Brazil" were co-constructed: samba as a national music bringing Brazilians together.
Along the way Vianna provides insight on the key character who made this happen theoretically: Gilberto Freyre. Freyre turned the "mixed" aspect of Brazilian culture into a positive. And, he provided the arguments for how samba could and should become a national music. The forest.
Beyond theory, Vianna also provides a history of the musical characters, the songs, the singers, the players, and the debates around national identity. The trees.
This is a constructivist narrative. As you read, both samba and Brazil are shown as the results of a particular process. For me it unfolds as if a slow motion film.
Vianna tells the tale so well, I forgot everything else I was doing.
I had planned only to skim it. I was looking for a quick description of samba. But when I entered I lost track of my original purpose.
If you are looking for musicology you might be disappointed. Instead Vianna provides a story of how "samba" and "Brazil" were co-constructed: samba as a national music bringing Brazilians together.
Along the way Vianna provides insight on the key character who made this happen theoretically: Gilberto Freyre. Freyre turned the "mixed" aspect of Brazilian culture into a positive. And, he provided the arguments for how samba could and should become a national music. The forest.
Beyond theory, Vianna also provides a history of the musical characters, the songs, the singers, the players, and the debates around national identity. The trees.
This is a constructivist narrative. As you read, both samba and Brazil are shown as the results of a particular process. For me it unfolds as if a slow motion film.
Vianna tells the tale so well, I forgot everything else I was doing.
January 18, 2011
A good read for anyone interested in the historical background of Brazil and the roots of samba as it transformed into what we see/hear today as essentially Brazilian.
December 29, 2013
Super legal para entender como o samba saiu de ritmo marginalizado para símbolo nacional.
April 2, 2009
Interesting introduction to Brazilian culture.
Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews