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Conjuring Hope: Healing and Magic in Contemporary Russia
Notions of magic and healing have been changing over past years and are now understood as reflecting local ideas of power and agency, as well as structures of self, subjectivity and affect. This study focuses on contemporary urban Russia and, through exploring social conditions, conveys the experience of living that makes magic logical. By following people’s own interpretations of the work of magic, the author succeeds in unraveling the logic of local practice and local understanding of affliction, commonly used to diagnose the experiences of illness and misfortune.
- GenresAnthropologyOccult
272 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2005
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Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews
May 15, 2012
This book is awesome - a Peircian analysis of Russian Magi? BE STILL MY HEART! Also, my students are loving this. Here's what two of them had to say after reading the first two chapters:
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"I was really excited when I read Lindquist's references to the Levi-Strauss articles that we have covered in class. It made me feel like I actually knew something worth knowing : ) I do recall thinking at the time that Levi-Strauss' comparison of the difference between the healing song and psychoanalysis was in the cultural vs individual nature of the whole experience was absolutely fascinating because I didn't think I would ever have been able to draw the parallels. And then Lindquist gives me another twist: "In Russian magic, the situation is somewhere in between: what is offered to a patient is his or her personal mythology, embracing several generations of kin, and spelled out in shared terms" (72). Maybe this is just me because I am new to anthropology/social sciences, but some of these ideas blow my mind. Brilliant. There is so much to think about and once you think you understand something, something else enters the conversation and takes it even further."
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"I found fascinating the concept that the magi/healers of Russia are creating a new language and context of symbols for signifiers through their use of traditional Orthodox symbols. I wonder how often (alternative belief & healing experts cause) this (to) occurs in societies who have undergone rapid & drastic reformulation? I fully agree with comparison of both of Strauss' essays as an analogy for what is taking place in contemporary Russian healing.
In chapter one, p.56, Lindquist discusses the necessity or lack there of, of the patients recollection of coming under the curse of the evil eye. It is interesting that patient need not remember the exact moment of affliction/cursing(?). It strengthens the role that the groups belief plays in diagnosis acceptance. The ( sometimes massive) group healing ceremonies also make me question the implications / flexibility of Strauss' Shamanic Process- because there is no direct personal interaction with the healers. Does the conceived effectiveness stem from the members of the group confirming each others beliefs/ experience? Is there a different sort of dynamic/trynamic going on?
It was also interesting in Chapter 2, on p.69, to read Katerina's interpretation of why Liudmila did not recover- simply because she did not want to, and her illness had become her identity. It is interesting that this consensus is made in all cultures, across all forms of healing. That you cannot heal/help someone who does not desire it. Would Kleinman say that Liudmila was not actively participating in the sick role? Clearly for Liudmila her state was undesirable, but did she actually want to recover? Does the act of seeking treatment constitute enough of an effort to be counted as making an effort recover? "
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"I was really excited when I read Lindquist's references to the Levi-Strauss articles that we have covered in class. It made me feel like I actually knew something worth knowing : ) I do recall thinking at the time that Levi-Strauss' comparison of the difference between the healing song and psychoanalysis was in the cultural vs individual nature of the whole experience was absolutely fascinating because I didn't think I would ever have been able to draw the parallels. And then Lindquist gives me another twist: "In Russian magic, the situation is somewhere in between: what is offered to a patient is his or her personal mythology, embracing several generations of kin, and spelled out in shared terms" (72). Maybe this is just me because I am new to anthropology/social sciences, but some of these ideas blow my mind. Brilliant. There is so much to think about and once you think you understand something, something else enters the conversation and takes it even further."
---
"I found fascinating the concept that the magi/healers of Russia are creating a new language and context of symbols for signifiers through their use of traditional Orthodox symbols. I wonder how often (alternative belief & healing experts cause) this (to) occurs in societies who have undergone rapid & drastic reformulation? I fully agree with comparison of both of Strauss' essays as an analogy for what is taking place in contemporary Russian healing.
In chapter one, p.56, Lindquist discusses the necessity or lack there of, of the patients recollection of coming under the curse of the evil eye. It is interesting that patient need not remember the exact moment of affliction/cursing(?). It strengthens the role that the groups belief plays in diagnosis acceptance. The ( sometimes massive) group healing ceremonies also make me question the implications / flexibility of Strauss' Shamanic Process- because there is no direct personal interaction with the healers. Does the conceived effectiveness stem from the members of the group confirming each others beliefs/ experience? Is there a different sort of dynamic/trynamic going on?
It was also interesting in Chapter 2, on p.69, to read Katerina's interpretation of why Liudmila did not recover- simply because she did not want to, and her illness had become her identity. It is interesting that this consensus is made in all cultures, across all forms of healing. That you cannot heal/help someone who does not desire it. Would Kleinman say that Liudmila was not actively participating in the sick role? Clearly for Liudmila her state was undesirable, but did she actually want to recover? Does the act of seeking treatment constitute enough of an effort to be counted as making an effort recover? "
December 7, 2012
A fascinating new look at healing and health in post-soviet Russia, Conjuring Hope introduces readers to the modern Russian healer and provides compassionate insight into the motivations of those seeking treatment.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews



