* This is a collection of essays with a consistent theme dedicated to criticising mainstream liberal figures, and the environment which promotes them. Mishra is a strong polemicist and he is at his strongest when he takes the arguments of his subjects and analyses them in more detail and with more knowledge than the person making the argument. He is at his weakest when rather than engaging in debate he hurls ad hominem attacks, usually about his subjects views or comments on race or nationality. He doesn’t do this a lot and the majority of the essays are extremely thoughtful.
* Concluding paragraph on Niall Ferguson: “‘Western hard power’ Ferguson blurts out in Civilisation, ‘seems to be struggling’; and the book exemplifies a mood, at once swaggering, frustrated, vengeful and despairing, among men of a certain age, class and education on the Upper East Side and the West End. Western civilisation is unlikely to go out of business any time soon, nbut the neo-imperialist gang might well face redundancy. In that sense, Ferguson’s metaphormposes in the last decade - from cheerleader, successively, of empire, Angloglobalisatoin and Chimerica to exponent of collapse theory and retailer of emollient tales about the glorious past - have highlighted broad political and cultural shifts more accurately than his writings have. His next move shouldn’t be missed.”
* His essay, “Culture of Fear”, about Islamophobia is a good example of how he dismantles a series of books and writers through humour, quantum of knowledge, and strength of argument:
* “The idea of a monolithic ‘Islam’ in Europe appears an especially pitiable bogey when you rgard the varying national origins, linguistic and legal backgrounds, and cultural and religious practices of European Muslims. Many so-called Muslims from secularised Turkey or syncrestistic Sindh and Java would be condemned as apostates in Saudi Arabia, whose fundamentalist Wahhabism informs most Western visions of Islam.”
* “In actuality, the everyday choices of most Muslims in europe are dictated more by their experience of globalised economies and cultures than by their readings in the Qur’an or sharia. Along with their Hindu and Sikh peers, many Muslims in Europe suffer from the usual pathologies of traditional rural communities transitioning to urban secular cultures; the encounter with social and economic individualism inevitably provokes a crisis of control in nuclear families, as well as such ills as forced marriage, the poor treatment of women and militant sectarianism. However, in practice, millions of Muslims, many of them with bitter experiences of authoritarian states, coexist fritionalessly and gratefully with regimes committed to democracy, freedom of religion and equality before the law.”
* Possibly one of most enjoyable parts of reading this collection is that Mishra is merciless with his treatment of historical myths or even figures whom left-leaning liberal elites hold in high regard, like Obama, Ta Nahesi Coates, and Salman Rushdie.
* On World War one: “the modern history of violence shows that ostansibly staunch foes have never been reluctant to borrow murderous ideas from one another. To take only one instance, the American elite’s ruthlessness with blacks and Native Americans greatly impressed the earliest generation of German liberal imperialists, decades before Hitler also came to admire the US’s unequivocally racist policies of natinoality and immigration. The Nazis sought inspiration from Jim Crow legislation in the US South.... In light of this shared history of racial violence, it seems odd that we continue to portrary the First World War as a battle between democracy and authoritariansim, as a seminal and unexpected calamity.... many subordinate peoples simply realised ... that peace in the metropolitan West depended too much on outsourcing war to the colonies.”
* “There were signs during Obama’s campaign, particularly his eagerness to claim the approbation of Henry Kissinger, that he would cruelly disappoint his left-leaning young supporters’ hopes of epohcal transformation. His acitons in office soon made is cleare that some version of bain and switch had occurred. Obama had condemned the air war in South Asia as immoral because of its high civilian toll; but three days after his inauguration he ordered drone strikes in Pakistan, and in his first year oversaw more strikes with high civilian casualities than Bush had ordered in his entire presidency. His bellicose speech accepting the Noble Peace Prize signalled that he would strengthen rather than dismantle the architecture of the open-ended war on terror, while discaring some of its fatuous rhetoric. During his eight years in office, he expanded covert operations and air military bases, he exposed large parts of it to violence, anarchy and tyrannical rulke. He not only expanded mass surveillance and government data-mining operations at home, and ruthlessly prosecuted whistleblowers, but invested his office with the lethal power to execute anyone, even American citizens, anywhere in the world... he deported millions of immigrants - Trump is struggling to reacsh OBama’s 2012 peak of 34,000 deportations a months.”
* Mishra’s lack of fuck-giving about offending anyone is on display when writing that Ta Nahesi Coates panders to “liberal imperialism... [and] its patrons”: “‘My President Was Black’, a 17,000 word profile in the Atlantic, is remarkable for its missing interrogations of the black president for his killings by drones; despoliation of Libya, Yemen and Somalia; mass deportation; and craveness before the titans of finance who ruined millions of black as well as white lives. Coates has been accused of mystifying race and ‘essentialising’ whiteness. Nowhere, however, does his view of racial identity seem as static as in his critical tenderness for a black member of the 1 per cent. As long as Coates is indifferent to the links between race and interntional political economy, he is more likley to induce relief than guilt among his white liberal fans. They may accept, even embrace, an explanation that balmes inveterate bigots in the American heartland for Trump. They would absolutely baulk at the suggestion that the legatee of the civil rights movement upheld a nineteenth-century racist-imperialist order by arrogating to the US president the right to kill anyone without due process; they would recoil from the idea that a black man in his eight years in power deepend the juridicial legacy of white supremacy before passing it on to a reckless successor.”