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The Logic of Congressional Action
Congress regularly enacts laws that benefit particular groups or localities while imposing costs on everyone else. Sometimes, however, Congress breaks free of such parochial concerns and enacts bills that serve the general public, not just special interest groups. In this book, the author offers a theory that explains not only why special interest frequently triumph but also why the general public sometimes wins. By showing how legislative leaders build coalitions for both types of programs, he illuminates recent legislative decisions in such areas as economic, tax, and energy policy. The author's theory of policy making rests on a reinterpretation of the relationship between legislators' actions and their constituents' policy preferences. Most scholars explore the impact that citizens' existing policy preferences have on legislators' decisions. They ignore citizens who have no opinions because they assume that uninformed citizens cannot possibly affect legislators' choices. Arnold examines the influence of citizens' potential preferences, however, and argues that legislators also respond to these preferences in order to avoid future electoral problems. He shows how legislators estimate the political consequences of their voting decisions, taking into account both the existing preferences of attentive citizens and the potential preferences of inattentive citizens. He then analyzes how coalition leaders manipulate the legislative situation in order to make it attractive for legislators to support a general interest bill
320 pages, Hardcover
First published September 26, 1990
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Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews
January 20, 2019
An interesting take in the motivations and mechanisms of legislative work, scientifically dismantling a few myths about how constituencies, either general or particularist, influence legislators’ actions.
May 17, 2021
A product of its time. Many of Arnold’s premises rely on assumptions that are either no longer true or more recent research has shown to be false. Moreover, the problem that he is trying to answer (why legislators create policies with broad benefits if they are only concerned with reelection by their constituents) is probably not as relevant any more with the focus of political dialogue moving strongly toward the national level with increased party-level polarization.
Judged against its era though, the book is fine but overly speculative. Most of it is devoted to detailing a fairly intuitive framework in overly academic and verbose language. Discussion of cases at the end is helpful. From a 2021 perspective this book is interesting for understanding how theories of congressional legislation have evolved over time, but is less immediately insightful. To some degree this is not Arnold’s fault—he wrote just as the 24 hour news cycle was emerging, before the internet took off as a medium of political communication, and in a less polarized era.
Judged against its era though, the book is fine but overly speculative. Most of it is devoted to detailing a fairly intuitive framework in overly academic and verbose language. Discussion of cases at the end is helpful. From a 2021 perspective this book is interesting for understanding how theories of congressional legislation have evolved over time, but is less immediately insightful. To some degree this is not Arnold’s fault—he wrote just as the 24 hour news cycle was emerging, before the internet took off as a medium of political communication, and in a less polarized era.
February 19, 2023
I felt his theories were easy to understand and follow as a person not in academia.
April 13, 2016
Mahew's Congress: The Electoral Connection pitched the novel idea "Legislators are interested solely in reelection". This begs the question: how does anything get done in Congress if everyone's solely self-interested in their own re-election?
(Arguably, the past 6 years have shown us Congress does not work.)
Arnold attempts to provide a solution to this puzzle. (Mahew's puzzle, not the 112-114th congresses inability to function.) It's actually quite an elegant framework, that's slightly too elaborate to succinctly summarize. In a nutshell: Arnold investigates various simple models of voter behaviour, and legislators acting based on these heuristics.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this, to me anyways, is describing the behaviour of "coalition leaders" who happen to be legislators...since this really gets to the meat of "No really, how do members of congress actually get stuff done? Or even start the attempt?"
(Arguably, the past 6 years have shown us Congress does not work.)
Arnold attempts to provide a solution to this puzzle. (Mahew's puzzle, not the 112-114th congresses inability to function.) It's actually quite an elegant framework, that's slightly too elaborate to succinctly summarize. In a nutshell: Arnold investigates various simple models of voter behaviour, and legislators acting based on these heuristics.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this, to me anyways, is describing the behaviour of "coalition leaders" who happen to be legislators...since this really gets to the meat of "No really, how do members of congress actually get stuff done? Or even start the attempt?"
October 16, 2011
A good book, but one that doesn't offer enough caveats to its assertions about what drives congressional behavior. No sentient observer would suggest that re-election isn't a primary consideration in any vote taken by someone in Congress, but to suggest that in all situations it is the overriding factor is a stretch.
In addition, the political landscape has shifted since the publication of this book, including radically different media and fundraising environments.
Lastly, Arnold's theory is difficult to verify in any objective way. For that reason, the more I thought about the book, the less impressed I was. It is easy to invent a justification for any vote because of electoral considerations if one is willing to indulge the imagination. Yet what method is there for verifying that this is actually the case? Aside from an insanely thorough series of case studies, it is difficult to quantify this variable. Arnold is important, but not the last word.
In addition, the political landscape has shifted since the publication of this book, including radically different media and fundraising environments.
Lastly, Arnold's theory is difficult to verify in any objective way. For that reason, the more I thought about the book, the less impressed I was. It is easy to invent a justification for any vote because of electoral considerations if one is willing to indulge the imagination. Yet what method is there for verifying that this is actually the case? Aside from an insanely thorough series of case studies, it is difficult to quantify this variable. Arnold is important, but not the last word.
October 8, 2012
Arnold uses outdated rational choice "logic" to defend a theory largely (and admittedly) devoid of reality. Given that the book was written before the internet, blogs, and Fox News, I can't really see much use for this book in understanding contemporary Congressional action.
November 16, 2009
It's a little outdated but the theory is pretty solid.
November 26, 2010
Although Arnold is probably right about the motivations of our congressional representatives (i.e. the sole motivation is re-election), seeing it in print is profoundly depressing.
January 5, 2013
An important book, albeit extremely repetitive and unnecessarily long for the simple argument it puts forward.
Displaying 1 - 9 of 9 reviews









