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640 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1989
Capital used Chinese laborers as a transnational industrial reserve army to weigh down white workers during periods of economic expansion and to hold white labor in check during periods of overproduction. Labor was a major cost of production, and employers saw how the importation of Chinese workers could boost the supply of labor and drive down the wages of both Chinese and white workers. The resulting racial antagonism generated between the two groups helped to ensure a divided working class and a dominant employer class.There are more people in LA, CA than there in most individual states in the place that calls itself America. Everyone is moving in, everyone is chasing the money, and only NYC can overpower the feverish pull of extra concentrated capitalism. And yet, the books that speak to the truth of my state so rarely come across my path, whether through post-academic trends or present-professional initiatives. I picked this book up out of the general sense of historical curiosity that, for once, was more personally localized, but as city after city and region after region passed that I had lived and/or was living in, I realized how necessary this book was to my education. For these days are the days of the bootstrap, and the only remedy is to learn exactly who was able to pull themselves up and who was instead hung by the neck.
When corporate heads tell frustrated workers that foreign imports are taking their jobs, then they are acting like an agitator of a lynch mob.Unlike that of many a white child that calls the US their home, the community of my youth ranged from 60-80% Asian diaspora, depending on which tutoring club you attended or friend's house you visited. At the time, I considered it a welcome reprieve from my abusive "Caucasian" home, and in hindsight, while I still fell victim to the dominating 'Oriental' edge to the mainstream culture, my ethics managed to benefit a great deal from this minority-majority situation. Such a reality would've likely blown the author's mind back in 1989 when this first book came out and perhaps even in 1998 when he came back for a new edition, what with my local situation near diabolically contrasting with the far more ubiquitous scenes of isolation, impoverishment, and the occasional racial attack. For that is how my home country handled immigrants from China, Japan, Korea, the Philippines (even when such didn't actually count as immigration), Vietnam, Laos, India, and any other country that geographically reminded Europe of its true nature as "West Asia." I certainly had inklings of it over the years; indeed, the community I currently live in for work has its own story of a Chinese fishing village "mysteriously" burning down in the early 20th c. and living on in the form of a yellowface festival performed by the remaining whites, least until national and perhaps even international attention shamed the event out of existence. However, it is something else entirely to watch it be systematically laid out and parsed in conjunction with economics, law, and politics of a settler state struggling over the decades towards the white supremacy it enjoys today.
In 1910, [...] Koreans, hired to pick oranges, camped on Mary Steward's farm in Upland, California. Suddenly, one night, they were attacked by white farm workers [.] Steward armed the Korean workers and instructed them to defend themselves against the white rioters. "The minority Korean people in this great country of America," Steward declared, "have a right to live and work just as the other nationalities.["]Takaki's main weapons of choice take both objective and subjective forms. The former characteristically finds more weight with me, but I am the last to contest how well the latter can be wielded to devastating effect on the population that would rather their children read picture books with anthropomorphic characters than characters of color. To return to the more mechanical means of rhetoric, Takaki looks at both capitalism and nation building: "tolerance" when it proves militarily convenient on an international scale, rejection when the upper class of landowners and oligarchs needs propping up. The pathos came through the regular injection of excerpts from interviews, prose, and poetry, derived from works that at least one of which I am interested in tracking down in full. Knowing what I do about the overarching narrative, I would have liked some acknowledgment of how a 'settler' only succeeds by rejecting both Black and indigenous rather than banding together in solidarity to permanently destabilize the racial hierarchy. However, I did learn a great deal that will forever shape my evaluation of the circumstances of my beleaguered country and fraught state, especially regarding the history of labor across the peninsula I currently call home.
Even Rabindranath Tagore, the winner of the Nobel Prize for literature in 1913, [...] encountered bureaucratic problems when he applied to the American consul for entry, and [...] experienced racial prejudice in Los Angeles. Canceling his tour [...], Tagore commented caustically: "Jesus could not get into America because, first of all, He would not have the necessary money, and secondly, He would be an Asiatic."This book didn't have all the information that I needed. It did, however, have enough to explain both the State of California and the State of Trump. Much as Takaki described at various instances, everything is getting more expensive while wages are barely holding on, and the gas valve of public opinion simmers around the chokehold of cops and lynching. And when I trace the trajectory of the history of my acquisition of this book, it turns out I picked it up for a mere $3 at a long ago book sale in a spot of good sense regarding my autodidactic future. I can also find it on the shelf of the county library system, but I have to wonder just how much of this work is disseminated in the supposedly 'infinite' Internet, especially when considering how algorithmically-unfriendly such subjects as 'anti-affirmative action' and 'gentrification' are. It's just as well LLMs are blowing folks back to the hardbound paper and inflation is hurling others towards the used stores and barter events: one thing Takaki got right was his emphasis on cross-cultural union solidarity leading the way to victory, as in times like these, mutual aid to an international degree is the only way, regardless of the ethnic breakdown of your respective community.
The Chinese Exclusion Act was in actuality symptomatic of a larger conflict between white labor and white capital: removal of the Chinese was designed not only to defuse an issue agitating white workers but also to alleviate class tensions within white society.