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359 pages, Kindle Edition
First published October 3, 2017
To Trump whiteness is neither notional nor symbolic but is the very core of his power. In this, Trump is not singular. But whereas his forebears carried whiteness like an ancestral talisman, Trump cracked the glowing amulet open, releasing its eldritch energies.The repercussions are striking: Trump is the first president to have served in no public capacity before ascending to his perch. Perhaps more important, Trump is the first president to have publicly affirmed that his daughter is a “piece of ass.” The mind seizes trying to imagine a black man extolling the virtures of sexual assault on tape (“And when you’re a star, they let you do it”), fending off multiple accusations for said assaults, becoming immersed in multiple lawsuits for allegedly fradulent business dealings, exhorting his own followers to violence, and then strolling into the White House. But that is the point of white supremacy—to ensure that that which all others achieve with maximal effort, white people (particularly white men) achieve with minimal qualification.
Perhaps no number can fully capture the multi-century plunder of black people in America. Perhaps the number is so large that it can’t be imagined, let alone calculated and dispensed. But I believe that wrestling publicly with these questions matters as much as—if not more than—the specific answers that might be produced. An America that asks what it owes its most vulnerable citizens is improved and humane. An America that looks away is ignoring not just the sins of the past but the sins of the present and the certain sins of the future. More important than any single check cut to any African American, the payment of reparations would represent America’s maturation out of the childhood myth of its innocence into a wisdom worthy of its founders.We Were Eight Years in Power is not perfect. It is a collection of articles that were written over eight years. They were not intended to be read one after another, and so in this format there are portions of some essays that were a bit repetitive. But Coates is an immensely talented writer, and the world will someday be better for his examination of the African-American experience in 21st century America. A must read.
"It seemed to me that white people, if only out of an instinct for self-preservation, would reject Donald Trump. If there was a difference between me and the president, it was that I thought Trump wouldn’t win, whereas Obama thought, categorically, that he couldn’t. What amazes me thinking back on that day is the ease with which two people, knowing full well what this country is capable of, dismissed the possibility of a return to the old form."The grand thesis of this book is Coates' daring to defy the order of the world around him. The existence of Barack Obama gave him the closes thing to a religious experience of faith and he simply wants to recapture it, despite the history of the world being against it. One thing that grabbed me is Coates explaining just the marvel of Barack Obama in Black history: "Basketball was a link for Obama , a medium for downloading black culture from the mainland that birthed the [University of Hawaii] Fabulous Five . Assessing his own thought process at the time , Obama writes , ' I decided to become part of that world . ' This is one of the most incredible sentences ever written in the long , decorated history of black memoir , if only because very few black people have ever enjoyed enough power to write it ." This shows how President Obama defies ethno-categorization, even when embracing it. While putting the interview together for the magazine, Coates only listened to Marvin Gaye's Distant Lover.
"'We were eight years in power. We had built schoolhouses, established charitable institutions, built and maintained the penitentiary system, provided education for the deaf and dumb, rebuilt the ferries. In short, we had reconstructed the State and placed it on the road to prosperity...'It was true then and has remained true for South Carolina and the United States as a whole. The epilogue of this book, The First White President, is the why? & how? to Donald Trump. Nothing really revolutionary to anyone paying attention or who has any knowledge of the collapse of the Reconstruction-era. While many people wanted to see the gains of the last 8 years, one group regardless of location, earnings, gender or class wanted to see a Donald Trump presidency according to the polling and they all identify as white. Trump built and successfully executed a campaign of white supremacy. It brings us up to the current point, an egotistical white supremacist is president of the United States because the idea of being white for a plurality of Americans sounds better than the idea being sane or safe. "To Trump whiteness is neither notional nor symbolic but is the very core of his power . In this , Trump is not singular . But whereas his forebears carried whiteness like an ancestral talisman , Trump cracked the glowing amulet open , releasing its eldritch energies ."
It seemed fairly clear what South Carolina wanted was not reform even in the narrow sense; that what it was attacking was not even stealing or corruption. If there was one thing that South Carolina feared more than bad Negro government, it was good Negro government."
“national reckoning…more than hush money or a reluctant bribe…What is needed is a healing of the American psyche and the banishment of white guilt.”The banishment of white guilt. That is something I would not have gone for. If that is required, I’m not sure we’ll ever get there. I’m on board with “an airing of family secrets, a settling of old ghosts—[a recognition] that American prosperity was ill gotten and selective in its distribution.” But if it comes to making white people, mostly Christians, banish their guilt, I don’t think it will happen. These folks wear guilt like a fur coat.
"I believe wrestling publicly with [issues around reparations] matters as much as—if not more than—the specific answers that might be produced…More important than any single check cut to any African American, the payment of reparations would represent America’s maturation out of the childhood myth of its innocence into a wisdom worthy of its founders."It seems we have been hearing Coates everywhere these days—back-to-back interviews on the Radio Atlantic podcast, another podcast of a conversation in Chicago for Krista Tippett’s On Being, etc. But Coates is not overexposed. He still has a way of saying things in a way that allows us to hear him. He’s not asking for anything. He’s just laying it out there, giving us the opportunity to step up.
“To be black in America was to be plundered. To be white was to benefit from, and at times directly execute, this plunder. No national conversation, no invocations to love, no moral appeals, no pleas for ‘sensitivity’ and ‘diversity,’ no lamenting of ‘race relations’ could make this right.”Boom. “Racism was banditry, pure and simple. And the banditry was not incidental to America, it was essential to it.” How lucky we have been that this man escaped everything that conspired to hold him silent: “black people in America do not generally have the luxury of recording their ‘feelings…’”
“[Moynihan’s] 'The Negro Family' is a flawed work in part because it is a fundamentally sexist document that promotes the importance not just of family but of patriarchy, arguing black men should be empowered at the expense of black women.”In Coates’ final essay, his Epilogue, talks about “The First White President,” the man who won the presidency only because he was a white male. What an insight! But I want to highlight what Coates says in “My President was Black,” about President Obama.
“…I found it interesting that [Obama’s] optimism does not extend to the possibility of the public’s accepting …the moral logic of reparations…that the president, by his own account, has accepted for himself and is willing to teach his children...The notion that a president would attempt to achieve change within the boundaries of the accepted consensus is appropriate But Obama is almost constitutionally skeptical of those who seek to achieve change outside that consensus.Not that we expect it to be easy, but sometimes people are more ready than we imagine.
Racism was not a singular one-dimensional vector but a pandemic, afflicting black communities at every level, regardless of what rung they occupied.