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ACTIVE FAITH: How Christians are Changing the Face of American Politics
Ralph Reed, Executive Director of the Christian Coalition, is responsible for wedding high technology with cutting-edge political organization to engineer the most efficient and effective projection of religion into the nation's political life in modern times. In Active Faith, Reed articulates a new "theology" of political activism for devout Christians and calls upon all Americans, both religious and secular, to heal our ailing body politic.
With a historian's practiced eye, Reed recounts the long tale of religious involvement in American life, showing that despite the popular belief, devout Christians and religious rhetoric have been the driving force behind nearly every major social reform movement in America, whether of the right or of the left. From abolition to the New Deal, from the labor movement to civil rights, Christian believers have been instrumental to the expansion of social justice in the United States. Reed paints compelling portraits of the most famous religious reformers of the past, including William Jennings Bryan, Walter Rauschenbusch, and Martin Luther King, Jr., men whose ideas and ideals exerted a broad positive influence on the secular politics of their day.
By contrast, the involvement of Christian conservatives in politics today prompts puzzlement, anger, and condescension from the media and establishment politicians. Reed explains why this is so, blaming a knee-jerk secularism that has infected many of our institutions and that makes American elites suspect any public pronouncements of religious faith, Christian or otherwise.
Reed gives a detailed account of how the Christian Coalition overcame media hostility, cultural stereotypes, and the missteps of the old religious right to become a respected and permanent fixture in American politics. Today, by uniting with Catholics and observant Jews, as well as reaching out to African-Americans, it stands poised to capture majority status on hundreds of local school boards, in city councils, in state legislatures, and in the U.S. Congress itself.
With a historian's practiced eye, Reed recounts the long tale of religious involvement in American life, showing that despite the popular belief, devout Christians and religious rhetoric have been the driving force behind nearly every major social reform movement in America, whether of the right or of the left. From abolition to the New Deal, from the labor movement to civil rights, Christian believers have been instrumental to the expansion of social justice in the United States. Reed paints compelling portraits of the most famous religious reformers of the past, including William Jennings Bryan, Walter Rauschenbusch, and Martin Luther King, Jr., men whose ideas and ideals exerted a broad positive influence on the secular politics of their day.
By contrast, the involvement of Christian conservatives in politics today prompts puzzlement, anger, and condescension from the media and establishment politicians. Reed explains why this is so, blaming a knee-jerk secularism that has infected many of our institutions and that makes American elites suspect any public pronouncements of religious faith, Christian or otherwise.
Reed gives a detailed account of how the Christian Coalition overcame media hostility, cultural stereotypes, and the missteps of the old religious right to become a respected and permanent fixture in American politics. Today, by uniting with Catholics and observant Jews, as well as reaching out to African-Americans, it stands poised to capture majority status on hundreds of local school boards, in city councils, in state legislatures, and in the U.S. Congress itself.
320 pages, Hardcover
First published June 1, 1996
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May 6, 2023
REED’S SECOND BOOK, EXPLAINING HIS POSITIONS FURTHER
Author Ralph Reed wrote in the first chapter of this 1996 book that at a meeting in 1995, he told the crowd, “‘If the Republican party wants to retain the majority it won in 1994 and add to it in 1996… it should not, cannot, and must not retreat from the pro-life and pro-family agenda that made it a majority party’… I couldn’t help but reflect on how far we had come since we held the very first meeting of the Christian Coalition in… late 1989… Now, less than six years later, we had 1.7 million members and supporters… In political terms, we had arrived.” (Pg. 3)
He notes that in 1996, “By declining to endorse a candidate, we had avoided the trap of appearing to dictate the nominee to the party. There was no ‘Christian Coalition’ candidate for president. We had dodged the bullet that brought down organized labor in 1984… I marveled that our participation in the pageantry of politics was now treated by the media as almost humdrum… What a contrast from the Republican national convention in … 1992, where many of the same delegates were treated as if they were horned monsters rising from the swamp.” (Pg. 4-5)
He observes that in the 1996 elections, “two of the most hotly touted topics in American politics were the flat tax and the balanced budget amendment. Those are important issues. But a flat tax will not teach a child right from wrong when a friend offers drugs… A balanced budget amendment cannot provide a male role model to a young boy… who has no father. The nation is hungering for public figures to address these moral concerns… What makes religious conservatives controversial---and essential---to the debate over values is their insistence that, in the end, the answers to moral decline can be found only with a return to faith in God.” (Pg. 6)
He recounts, “in the successful Clarence Thomas confirmation struggle… Our opponents clearly hoped that we would repeat the mistakes of the old religious right… using overheated rhetoric, and becoming an easy target for the left. But they were swiftly disappointed… Now, nearly two decades after the first religious conservatives broke into national politics, we are a … permanent fixture on the political landscape, treated with respect by our allies and grudging admiration by our foes.” (Pg. 7)
He states, “our time as a people of faith has finally come. The reasons are clear: To look at America today is to witness a nation struggling against forces as dangerous as any military foe it has ever faced. The threats, however, come … from within. Families are disintegrating, fathers are abandoning their children, abortion is the most common medical procedure in the nation, and young people attend schools that are not safe and where they do not learn… There is no economic solution to this social chaos---it is a collection of moral problems that require moral solutions.” (Pg. 9)
He asserts, “the salient question is not whether a religious tradition makes universal claims… We cannot ask evangelicals to surrender their proselytizing impulse or Roman Catholics to betray their belief that their Church is God’s ambassador on earth… The real question is whether … Christianity… attempts to impose its universalist theological claims by force of law. We do not. Ours is a public policy agenda… It respects the … time-honored separation of church and state while affirming the role of faith in politics. Yet… the criticism of the pro-family movement by some suggests that the mixture of religion with politics leads inexorably toward theocracy.” (Pg. 28) He continues, “those in the faith community who worry that religion cheapens itself by becoming a political force needs to broaden their understanding of the true call of faith… It is supposed to change the way we live… That impulse always has a political dimension, and it is the very essence of an active faith.” (Pg. 29-30)
He says, “The Social gospel was a radical movement even as it retained many traditional Christian tenets… The preeminent figure of the Social Gospel was Walter Rauschenbusch… He thought that Christians had failed to carry out Christ’s command to build a kingdom of God on earth.” (Pg. 42-43) Later, he adds, “The differences between the New Deal and the Social Gospel cannot be disputed… But stressing the purely economic goals of the New Deal fails to do justice to the fact that it was also a movement based on a profoundly moral vision of society.” (Pg. 52) He continues, “the civil rights movement… would not have come to pass were it not for the passion and persuasion of the church… Martin Luther King Jr. … [was] first and foremost … a Baptist and a preacher… King did not create the civil rights movement from scratch. He had a firm foundation that had been praying and singing for a hundred years: the black church… King’s genius was indispensable. He provided the vision and leadership that … made crystal clear the vital connection between religion and politics.” (Pg. 56-57) He goes on, “King’s faith kept him strangely aloof from politicians… the Christian Coalition has adopted many elements of King’s style and tactics… King allied himself with the Democratic party in passing civil rights laws, while maintaining relationships with liberal Republicans … to give his movement a nonpartisan cast.” (Pg. 61-64)
He acknowledges, “The white evangelical church carries a shameful legacy of racism and … indifference to the most central struggle for social justice in this century, a legacy that is only now being wiped clean by … repentance and racial reconciliation.” (Pg, 65)
He admits, “I studied and admired [liberalism] from a distance (even as I disagree with many of its policies). That liberalism sought to … provide basic standards of fairness in the workplace… to guarantee health care to widows and the elderly, to give women full political and economic equality… to guarantee equal opportunity for all Americans a level playing field through government assistance to the disenfranchised---the poor, the disabled, racial minorities, and women. Frequently that meant expanding the role of government…” (Pg. 75)
He states, “No political party can claim a monopoly on God’s truth, and religious conservatives do not assert that those who support a different political platform are acting in an ‘un-Christian’ way. There are still many eloquent and devout people of faith found in the ranks of modern liberalism. But as a movement, liberalism today is decidedly discomfited by the invocation of religious faith as a rationale for political action… and that retreat from religious values … is the issue that must be confronted by the left if it ever hopes again to win the hearts and minds of the American people.” (Pg. 76) He notes, “Whatever one thinks of [Bill] Clinton’s politics, there is no denying his interest in spiritual matters… Clinton has regularly expressed sympathy for the role of religion in the political arena.” (Pg. 95) Later, he adds, “Clinton-bashing has become a veritable cottage industry… Those individuals …that have made demonizing Clinton their raison d’etre … do not represent the future of the pro-family movement.” (Pg. 259-260)
He explains, “The ‘Christian nation’ rhetoric was rarely intended to imply a theocracy. Religious conservative leaders meant .. a nation in which people … cared for those less fortunate, honored God, took care of their families, and obeyed the law. But the cognitive gap separating evangelical speakers and secular ears made the translation difficult… the religious right lacked friendly media to interpret the nuances of the community and elevate its more responsible leaders… the most intemperate remarks of pro-family figures tended to dominate headlines throughout the 1980s.” (Pg. 119)
He recounts that “in September 1989, I became the first staff member of the Christian Coalition… we decided that no secular-sounding organization would pacify either the media or our critics. We were Christians, and we would be wise to wear that label proudly… That boldness soon paid off, when our first forays into direct-mail and grassroots recruitment brought in donors and activists…” (Pg. 129) Later, he adds, “I came to see that losing the presidency [in 1992]… held the key to our long road back… the presidency [is] perhaps the most overrated prize in American politics. With our new focus on local issues came phenomenal success…” (Pg. 153)
He explains, “the friendship between Catholics and evangelicals is not about political expediency alone… After centuries of distrust and theological disagreements, Catholics and Protestants are beginning to reflect on what unites them rather than what divides them… we can no longer afford to be divided. The darkness is too pervasive and the social pathologies afflicting our nation too severe to allow people of faith to fight one another.” (Pg. 217) He states, “the deeply-held moral beliefs of Christians… do not justify hateful or spite-filled intolerance of homosexuality… we allow for deviations from our own moral code as a matter of course…” (Pg. 265)
He concludes, “I am proud … because our movement … had an uncommon commitment to caring for those in need, loving those who attacked us, and displaying the love, dignity, and decency that are the hallmarks of an active faith.” (Pg. 281)
This book (and other books of Reed’s) will appeal to many conservative Christians.
Author Ralph Reed wrote in the first chapter of this 1996 book that at a meeting in 1995, he told the crowd, “‘If the Republican party wants to retain the majority it won in 1994 and add to it in 1996… it should not, cannot, and must not retreat from the pro-life and pro-family agenda that made it a majority party’… I couldn’t help but reflect on how far we had come since we held the very first meeting of the Christian Coalition in… late 1989… Now, less than six years later, we had 1.7 million members and supporters… In political terms, we had arrived.” (Pg. 3)
He notes that in 1996, “By declining to endorse a candidate, we had avoided the trap of appearing to dictate the nominee to the party. There was no ‘Christian Coalition’ candidate for president. We had dodged the bullet that brought down organized labor in 1984… I marveled that our participation in the pageantry of politics was now treated by the media as almost humdrum… What a contrast from the Republican national convention in … 1992, where many of the same delegates were treated as if they were horned monsters rising from the swamp.” (Pg. 4-5)
He observes that in the 1996 elections, “two of the most hotly touted topics in American politics were the flat tax and the balanced budget amendment. Those are important issues. But a flat tax will not teach a child right from wrong when a friend offers drugs… A balanced budget amendment cannot provide a male role model to a young boy… who has no father. The nation is hungering for public figures to address these moral concerns… What makes religious conservatives controversial---and essential---to the debate over values is their insistence that, in the end, the answers to moral decline can be found only with a return to faith in God.” (Pg. 6)
He recounts, “in the successful Clarence Thomas confirmation struggle… Our opponents clearly hoped that we would repeat the mistakes of the old religious right… using overheated rhetoric, and becoming an easy target for the left. But they were swiftly disappointed… Now, nearly two decades after the first religious conservatives broke into national politics, we are a … permanent fixture on the political landscape, treated with respect by our allies and grudging admiration by our foes.” (Pg. 7)
He states, “our time as a people of faith has finally come. The reasons are clear: To look at America today is to witness a nation struggling against forces as dangerous as any military foe it has ever faced. The threats, however, come … from within. Families are disintegrating, fathers are abandoning their children, abortion is the most common medical procedure in the nation, and young people attend schools that are not safe and where they do not learn… There is no economic solution to this social chaos---it is a collection of moral problems that require moral solutions.” (Pg. 9)
He asserts, “the salient question is not whether a religious tradition makes universal claims… We cannot ask evangelicals to surrender their proselytizing impulse or Roman Catholics to betray their belief that their Church is God’s ambassador on earth… The real question is whether … Christianity… attempts to impose its universalist theological claims by force of law. We do not. Ours is a public policy agenda… It respects the … time-honored separation of church and state while affirming the role of faith in politics. Yet… the criticism of the pro-family movement by some suggests that the mixture of religion with politics leads inexorably toward theocracy.” (Pg. 28) He continues, “those in the faith community who worry that religion cheapens itself by becoming a political force needs to broaden their understanding of the true call of faith… It is supposed to change the way we live… That impulse always has a political dimension, and it is the very essence of an active faith.” (Pg. 29-30)
He says, “The Social gospel was a radical movement even as it retained many traditional Christian tenets… The preeminent figure of the Social Gospel was Walter Rauschenbusch… He thought that Christians had failed to carry out Christ’s command to build a kingdom of God on earth.” (Pg. 42-43) Later, he adds, “The differences between the New Deal and the Social Gospel cannot be disputed… But stressing the purely economic goals of the New Deal fails to do justice to the fact that it was also a movement based on a profoundly moral vision of society.” (Pg. 52) He continues, “the civil rights movement… would not have come to pass were it not for the passion and persuasion of the church… Martin Luther King Jr. … [was] first and foremost … a Baptist and a preacher… King did not create the civil rights movement from scratch. He had a firm foundation that had been praying and singing for a hundred years: the black church… King’s genius was indispensable. He provided the vision and leadership that … made crystal clear the vital connection between religion and politics.” (Pg. 56-57) He goes on, “King’s faith kept him strangely aloof from politicians… the Christian Coalition has adopted many elements of King’s style and tactics… King allied himself with the Democratic party in passing civil rights laws, while maintaining relationships with liberal Republicans … to give his movement a nonpartisan cast.” (Pg. 61-64)
He acknowledges, “The white evangelical church carries a shameful legacy of racism and … indifference to the most central struggle for social justice in this century, a legacy that is only now being wiped clean by … repentance and racial reconciliation.” (Pg, 65)
He admits, “I studied and admired [liberalism] from a distance (even as I disagree with many of its policies). That liberalism sought to … provide basic standards of fairness in the workplace… to guarantee health care to widows and the elderly, to give women full political and economic equality… to guarantee equal opportunity for all Americans a level playing field through government assistance to the disenfranchised---the poor, the disabled, racial minorities, and women. Frequently that meant expanding the role of government…” (Pg. 75)
He states, “No political party can claim a monopoly on God’s truth, and religious conservatives do not assert that those who support a different political platform are acting in an ‘un-Christian’ way. There are still many eloquent and devout people of faith found in the ranks of modern liberalism. But as a movement, liberalism today is decidedly discomfited by the invocation of religious faith as a rationale for political action… and that retreat from religious values … is the issue that must be confronted by the left if it ever hopes again to win the hearts and minds of the American people.” (Pg. 76) He notes, “Whatever one thinks of [Bill] Clinton’s politics, there is no denying his interest in spiritual matters… Clinton has regularly expressed sympathy for the role of religion in the political arena.” (Pg. 95) Later, he adds, “Clinton-bashing has become a veritable cottage industry… Those individuals …that have made demonizing Clinton their raison d’etre … do not represent the future of the pro-family movement.” (Pg. 259-260)
He explains, “The ‘Christian nation’ rhetoric was rarely intended to imply a theocracy. Religious conservative leaders meant .. a nation in which people … cared for those less fortunate, honored God, took care of their families, and obeyed the law. But the cognitive gap separating evangelical speakers and secular ears made the translation difficult… the religious right lacked friendly media to interpret the nuances of the community and elevate its more responsible leaders… the most intemperate remarks of pro-family figures tended to dominate headlines throughout the 1980s.” (Pg. 119)
He recounts that “in September 1989, I became the first staff member of the Christian Coalition… we decided that no secular-sounding organization would pacify either the media or our critics. We were Christians, and we would be wise to wear that label proudly… That boldness soon paid off, when our first forays into direct-mail and grassroots recruitment brought in donors and activists…” (Pg. 129) Later, he adds, “I came to see that losing the presidency [in 1992]… held the key to our long road back… the presidency [is] perhaps the most overrated prize in American politics. With our new focus on local issues came phenomenal success…” (Pg. 153)
He explains, “the friendship between Catholics and evangelicals is not about political expediency alone… After centuries of distrust and theological disagreements, Catholics and Protestants are beginning to reflect on what unites them rather than what divides them… we can no longer afford to be divided. The darkness is too pervasive and the social pathologies afflicting our nation too severe to allow people of faith to fight one another.” (Pg. 217) He states, “the deeply-held moral beliefs of Christians… do not justify hateful or spite-filled intolerance of homosexuality… we allow for deviations from our own moral code as a matter of course…” (Pg. 265)
He concludes, “I am proud … because our movement … had an uncommon commitment to caring for those in need, loving those who attacked us, and displaying the love, dignity, and decency that are the hallmarks of an active faith.” (Pg. 281)
This book (and other books of Reed’s) will appeal to many conservative Christians.
September 3, 2017
Reed's Awakening seems more relevant to today's political arena but Active Faith gave insight that was well researched.
February 11, 2015
Reed's take on how Christianity is shaping politics; his own story of association with the Christian Coalition.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews