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Sex and World Peace
"Sex and World Peace" unsettles a variety of assumptions in political and security discourse, demonstrating that the security of women is a vital factor in the security of the state and its incidence of conflict and war.
The authors compare micro-level gender violence and macro-level state peacefulness in global settings, supporting their findings with detailed analyses and color maps. Harnessing an immense amount of data, they call attention to discrepancies between national laws protecting women and the enforcement of those laws, and they note the adverse effects on state security of abnormal sex ratios favoring males, the practice of polygamy, and inequitable realities in family law, among other gendered aggressions.
The authors find that the treatment of women informs human interaction at all levels of society. Their research challenges conventional definitions of security and democracy and shows that the treatment of gender, played out on the world stage, informs the true clash of civilizations. In terms of resolving these injustices, the authors examine top-down and bottom-up approaches to healing wounds of violence against women, as well as ways to rectify inequalities in family law and the lack of parity in decision-making councils. Emphasizing the importance of an R2PW, or state responsibility to protect women, they mount a solid campaign against women's systemic insecurity, which effectively unravels the security of all.
The authors compare micro-level gender violence and macro-level state peacefulness in global settings, supporting their findings with detailed analyses and color maps. Harnessing an immense amount of data, they call attention to discrepancies between national laws protecting women and the enforcement of those laws, and they note the adverse effects on state security of abnormal sex ratios favoring males, the practice of polygamy, and inequitable realities in family law, among other gendered aggressions.
The authors find that the treatment of women informs human interaction at all levels of society. Their research challenges conventional definitions of security and democracy and shows that the treatment of gender, played out on the world stage, informs the true clash of civilizations. In terms of resolving these injustices, the authors examine top-down and bottom-up approaches to healing wounds of violence against women, as well as ways to rectify inequalities in family law and the lack of parity in decision-making councils. Emphasizing the importance of an R2PW, or state responsibility to protect women, they mount a solid campaign against women's systemic insecurity, which effectively unravels the security of all.
304 pages, Hardcover
First published April 17, 2012
About the author
Valerie M. Hudson
21 books65 followersValerie M. Hudson (born 1958) is a professor of political science at The Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University as of January 2012. Prior to coming to Texas A&M, Hudson was a professor of political science at Brigham Young University for 24 years. She is most noted for having co-authored the book Bare Branches about the negative effects of China's overabundance of males.
Hudson was born in Washington, D.C.. She joined The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) in 1971. Prior to that she had been a Roman Catholic. Hudson received her bachelor's degree from BYU and her master's and Ph.D. from Ohio State University.
While a doctoral candidate, Hudson taught for three years at Otterbein University, and after receiving her Ph.D., was a visiting professor at Northwestern University and then Rutgers University . In 1987 she joined the faculty of BYU. Hudson served as Associate Director of the David M. Kennedy Center for International Studies for eight years, in which capacity she directed the graduate program.
(from Wikipedia)
Hudson was born in Washington, D.C.. She joined The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) in 1971. Prior to that she had been a Roman Catholic. Hudson received her bachelor's degree from BYU and her master's and Ph.D. from Ohio State University.
While a doctoral candidate, Hudson taught for three years at Otterbein University, and after receiving her Ph.D., was a visiting professor at Northwestern University and then Rutgers University . In 1987 she joined the faculty of BYU. Hudson served as Associate Director of the David M. Kennedy Center for International Studies for eight years, in which capacity she directed the graduate program.
(from Wikipedia)
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 94 reviews
November 8, 2013
There have been very few books that have actually changed my mindset, and really changed the way I view the world. The first, The Pearl, by Steinbeck, the second, The Jungle by Upton Sinclair, and third, Sex and World Peace. This book is a must read. It really changed the way I view international relations. It completely convinced me that promoting women's rights by beginning with securing their safety will dramatically change the face of international conflict.
January 10, 2015
Utterly dreadful. There are much better introductions to feminism and world politics than this nearly worthless volume.
Despite extensive endnotes, this book makes tons of unsupported claims, and reads like it was written by a high school student. For example, the authors repeatedly claim that "evolutionary theory" supports a theory wherein men structure power such that they can dominate women. Cringe. Some philosophies derived from evolutionary theory argue this, yes, but evolutionary theory itself is remarkably silent on feminism, as it should be. And pretending that evolutionary theory is a monolith offering normative claims about politics is amateurish, ignorant of the most basic science, and painful to read.
More unsupported arguments: the authors refer to "tribal societies" throughout the book as if all such societies are the same, and have no data available to back many of their claims about these societies. It's like the new agers who talk about "Native American culture" as if such culture is homogenous. It's as if the the authors have never heard about that whole ethnocentrism issue that western feminists have to grapple with. In fact, the entire book reads like intersectionality isn't a thing.
Moreover, this book is little more than a feminism 101 primer. And the book's central claim -- that women's equality is central to world peace -- is never even addressed, let alone proven. Instead, the authors simply spout off endless facts about the terrible state of women worldwide. And there's something almost racist in their tone. The book reads sort of like the authors believe life for American women is great, but those international barbarians do nothing but abuse women.
Horrible and potentially dangerous. Worst book I've read in a while.
Despite extensive endnotes, this book makes tons of unsupported claims, and reads like it was written by a high school student. For example, the authors repeatedly claim that "evolutionary theory" supports a theory wherein men structure power such that they can dominate women. Cringe. Some philosophies derived from evolutionary theory argue this, yes, but evolutionary theory itself is remarkably silent on feminism, as it should be. And pretending that evolutionary theory is a monolith offering normative claims about politics is amateurish, ignorant of the most basic science, and painful to read.
More unsupported arguments: the authors refer to "tribal societies" throughout the book as if all such societies are the same, and have no data available to back many of their claims about these societies. It's like the new agers who talk about "Native American culture" as if such culture is homogenous. It's as if the the authors have never heard about that whole ethnocentrism issue that western feminists have to grapple with. In fact, the entire book reads like intersectionality isn't a thing.
Moreover, this book is little more than a feminism 101 primer. And the book's central claim -- that women's equality is central to world peace -- is never even addressed, let alone proven. Instead, the authors simply spout off endless facts about the terrible state of women worldwide. And there's something almost racist in their tone. The book reads sort of like the authors believe life for American women is great, but those international barbarians do nothing but abuse women.
Horrible and potentially dangerous. Worst book I've read in a while.
December 7, 2013
Once again, book club has broadened my horizons. This book is not always an easy read. I found chapter four particularly difficult to get through. It is written the most like a text book and had tons of statistics, maps, and charts, all of which were important. The chapters before and after are captivating and horrifying. I am amazed at how much this book made me think. I want my girls to understand how much they have to contribute and how important their voices are to society. The idea that was most prevalent in the book is.....cultures and societies that have equal rights, protection, and opportunities for both the sexes are more peaceful. There are many horrific examples of sex selective abortions, murders, rape, child brides and honor killings to create a vision of wanting to help these atrocities to end. Violence against women isn't only in foreign lands but here in our country as well. I loved the point that the author made about men and women are different but their rights and opportunities should be equal. A must read....but be prepared it is graphic.
January 1, 2013
Got a gift from my son for Xmas
Definitely a keeper (the book, and the son)
Definitely a keeper (the book, and the son)
December 31, 2015
Thanks for the recommendation, Gloria Steinem!
December 9, 2020
One of the reasons I chose to read this book was that before beginning I thought I would disagree with what it says. I wanted to read something that would challenge my way of thinking, as well as help me become acquainted with the worldview of those with whom I disagree. I got the impression that this book would be based in feminist philosophy (not the same as good-for-women) and so it seemed like a good candidate.
I was pleasantly surprised to discover a large amount of common ground. Large portions of the book focus on describing the horrible conditions that women suffer around the world, and on describing ways in which individuals and groups can engage to change the culture in these places in order to promote better treatment of women. I agree completely that there are places in the world where women's lives are made into horrors because of incorrect belief that they are inferior. I even learned some things that I did not previously know about women's lives in these regions, and I felt empathy towards the women described. In a later chapter where strategies for bottom-up efforts for change were discussed, I felt myself inspired and at times wanting to cheer vocally for the women in the stories that were shared who had the courage to stand up and be proactive in bettering their situations. These parts of the book dealt primarily with physical violence and inferior cultural status in places like Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, and I think that they hit the nail on the head.
In some of the same sections the author tried to describe oppression against women in terms of lack of political office held or lack of representation in economic modeling. I am unaware of the extent to which these things contribute in real ways to women's circumstances in other countries I cannot say, and it was not discussed in depth in the book. However, to the degree that the claim is that these are the forms through which women are oppressed in the United states, I think that more than anything they show a misunderstanding of economics and an incomplete representation of the political process on the part of the author. Economics is a description of the way groups of people respond to stimulus, and is most commonly thought of in terms of the market. It does not have goals built in, nor concepts of good and bad. Just like physics can be used as a tool in engineering, so can economics be used as a tool. But the goals of those who apply economics are not built into the tools of economics, just as the goals of the engineers are not built into physics. Additionally, the demand on workers to be in the home, or their ability to leave the home to work due to the help of others in the home, are reflected in the adjustments the market undergoes naturally as a response to these effects, regardless of the fact that the corresponding in-home activities are not explicitly represented in the theory. Thus, for the author to claim that women's goals, needs, and contributions are not taken into account in economic models reveals that she does not understand what economics is nor how it works. As to disparities in political office held, it seems that she not considered any possible explanations for the disparity beyond discrimination. For example, it is not unreasonable to think that biological differences producing different tendencies and proclivities account for at least part of the difference--that is to say, that less women are elected because less run for office, and that because fewer of them are interested in doing so. However, all of this comes up very little throughout the book, so it does not meaningfully detract from the book.
The Reason for 1 Star: I gave this book one star because the analysis of the origin of the problem is essentially based on the same axioms as the Marxist doctrine, which are incorrect and represent an insufficient world view. Before the problem can be fixed at its root, the root must be properly understood. The analysis relies completely on the assumption that all of history can be properly understood as power struggles between warring classes--in this case, a power struggle between the classes of men and women. This view is very shallow. Although power is one important element of history, it is not the only important element, and to neglect all others necessarily leads to an incomplete picture. In this specific case, the power struggle is represented as a male dominance hierarchy. The description of this hierarchy depicts men as tyrants glutting themselves on the fruits of the work of women (no wonder most men don't like feminists), ignoring other important facts, such as the fact that the men often took upon themselves the most dangerous roles as hunters and defenders for the group, as well as the fact that women came to be naturally cherished for their unique motherly role. It also ignores the existence of hierarchies among women, and the potential problems of melding the two hierarchies together, given that they function in different ways. (This is all without mentioning the problems in her assumptions based on microaggression and her definitions laid out in chapter 1 implying that the nature of the genders is more malleable than it is.)
This is not the place for a complete refutation of this Marxist doctrine. However, while reading the book I heard an interview of Camille Paglia by Jordan Peterson (https://spoti.fi/3eEixgB), in which many points are made which provide the beginnings of an argument against a Marxist world view. Only a short segment of the interview deals with feminism explicitly, but the majority of the discussion is relevant to the broader ideas of Marxism, postmodernism and improper focus on power as the exclusive driving force of history. I would recommend others listen to it if they are interested in understanding the problems with this world view.
The crux of the book--and the promise of the title--is the connection between violence against women and the security of states. The connection is displayed empirically, but the theory explaining the connection is lacking. I think that violence against women is probably not related causally to the insecurity of states, but that they are correlated because both are symptoms of a deeper problem involving the breakdown of proper family structure. The way that societies view women is, of course, a part (though not the only part) of that family structure.
I was pleasantly surprised to discover a large amount of common ground. Large portions of the book focus on describing the horrible conditions that women suffer around the world, and on describing ways in which individuals and groups can engage to change the culture in these places in order to promote better treatment of women. I agree completely that there are places in the world where women's lives are made into horrors because of incorrect belief that they are inferior. I even learned some things that I did not previously know about women's lives in these regions, and I felt empathy towards the women described. In a later chapter where strategies for bottom-up efforts for change were discussed, I felt myself inspired and at times wanting to cheer vocally for the women in the stories that were shared who had the courage to stand up and be proactive in bettering their situations. These parts of the book dealt primarily with physical violence and inferior cultural status in places like Africa, the Middle East, and Asia, and I think that they hit the nail on the head.
In some of the same sections the author tried to describe oppression against women in terms of lack of political office held or lack of representation in economic modeling. I am unaware of the extent to which these things contribute in real ways to women's circumstances in other countries I cannot say, and it was not discussed in depth in the book. However, to the degree that the claim is that these are the forms through which women are oppressed in the United states, I think that more than anything they show a misunderstanding of economics and an incomplete representation of the political process on the part of the author. Economics is a description of the way groups of people respond to stimulus, and is most commonly thought of in terms of the market. It does not have goals built in, nor concepts of good and bad. Just like physics can be used as a tool in engineering, so can economics be used as a tool. But the goals of those who apply economics are not built into the tools of economics, just as the goals of the engineers are not built into physics. Additionally, the demand on workers to be in the home, or their ability to leave the home to work due to the help of others in the home, are reflected in the adjustments the market undergoes naturally as a response to these effects, regardless of the fact that the corresponding in-home activities are not explicitly represented in the theory. Thus, for the author to claim that women's goals, needs, and contributions are not taken into account in economic models reveals that she does not understand what economics is nor how it works. As to disparities in political office held, it seems that she not considered any possible explanations for the disparity beyond discrimination. For example, it is not unreasonable to think that biological differences producing different tendencies and proclivities account for at least part of the difference--that is to say, that less women are elected because less run for office, and that because fewer of them are interested in doing so. However, all of this comes up very little throughout the book, so it does not meaningfully detract from the book.
The Reason for 1 Star: I gave this book one star because the analysis of the origin of the problem is essentially based on the same axioms as the Marxist doctrine, which are incorrect and represent an insufficient world view. Before the problem can be fixed at its root, the root must be properly understood. The analysis relies completely on the assumption that all of history can be properly understood as power struggles between warring classes--in this case, a power struggle between the classes of men and women. This view is very shallow. Although power is one important element of history, it is not the only important element, and to neglect all others necessarily leads to an incomplete picture. In this specific case, the power struggle is represented as a male dominance hierarchy. The description of this hierarchy depicts men as tyrants glutting themselves on the fruits of the work of women (no wonder most men don't like feminists), ignoring other important facts, such as the fact that the men often took upon themselves the most dangerous roles as hunters and defenders for the group, as well as the fact that women came to be naturally cherished for their unique motherly role. It also ignores the existence of hierarchies among women, and the potential problems of melding the two hierarchies together, given that they function in different ways. (This is all without mentioning the problems in her assumptions based on microaggression and her definitions laid out in chapter 1 implying that the nature of the genders is more malleable than it is.)
This is not the place for a complete refutation of this Marxist doctrine. However, while reading the book I heard an interview of Camille Paglia by Jordan Peterson (https://spoti.fi/3eEixgB), in which many points are made which provide the beginnings of an argument against a Marxist world view. Only a short segment of the interview deals with feminism explicitly, but the majority of the discussion is relevant to the broader ideas of Marxism, postmodernism and improper focus on power as the exclusive driving force of history. I would recommend others listen to it if they are interested in understanding the problems with this world view.
The crux of the book--and the promise of the title--is the connection between violence against women and the security of states. The connection is displayed empirically, but the theory explaining the connection is lacking. I think that violence against women is probably not related causally to the insecurity of states, but that they are correlated because both are symptoms of a deeper problem involving the breakdown of proper family structure. The way that societies view women is, of course, a part (though not the only part) of that family structure.
June 15, 2018
The introduction is a bit over-zealous and can seem far-fetched, thus I understand why so many reviewers here were put off by this book and never got past the first pages. However, I urge everyone to get passed it because the claims it makes are well supported, thoroughly researched and very well presented throughout the book though real cases, statistics and charts. The tone is that of an academic paper, although is very easy to read and understand, as it does a great job in explaining and usage of accessible terminology.
To be honest, the first chapters of this book are pretty hard to read because they lay down the basis for the discourse that follows. This basis consists of a number of real-life cases of abuse from rape, murder, disfiguration and prolonged torture of women and children. As I went through them I felt sick and wept many times because even though I knew that these realities happen everyday somewhere in the world, reading the names and specific torments of these individualised women gives these accounts of horror much more personal perspectives.
However, I really felt that I must read through each and every one of them as this was perhaps the only way I could contribute to some form of justice - to acknowledge their struggles and understand the conditions in which they happened and why.
As the book progresses, it gives out clear statistics to put these accounts in the bigger picture and rigorously asserts the issues and categorises them in support of the premise of the researcher's claim: that “we can no longer speak, in the same breath, about the security of women” (p. 208)
The book unsettles a variety of assumptions in political and security discourse, demonstrating that the security of women is a vital factor in the security of the state and its incidence of conflict and war. The authors compare micro-level gender violence and macro-level state peacefulness in global settings, supporting their findings with detailed analyses and factual cases. They tackle complex inequalities like patrilocality, marital abuse, child brides, genital mutilation, femicide, maternal mortality, sex labour, wage gap, sex education, STD rates, contraception access, psychological dominance, the failure of the law system to implement punishment for perpetrators and societal and religious norms imposed on women.
The overarching premise of the book argues that the security of women is violated. They complexly identify three specific forms of micro-aggression against women that in their theory account for the majority of the horrors against women. These are: “(1) lack of bodily integrity and physical security, (2) lack of equity in family law, and (3) lack of parity in the councils of human decision-making”. The book then proceeds to document how solving these three main issues might help the whole situation of women worldwide.
These claims, certainly, are not without centuries of precedent, as feminist scholars and activists have long pointed out. As Simone de Beauvoir, observed in The Second Sex regarding relations between the sexes - “All oppression creates a state of war. And this is no exception”.
The best thing about this book is that it not only exposes the situation from a multitude of angles and from a micro and macro perspective, but it also has an entire chapter on SOLUTIONS on how to recognise and ACT to help better the situation. Accessible actual ways to improve things on a small scale and on a daily basis that do not require anything more than a moral presence and a voice.
It's true that it mostly focuses on the Arab and Asian world, as in these parts of the world the inequalities and oppression of the female sex is most evident, but it also presents statistics and facts from the countries who are thought to have the smallest gender gap, like Sweden or Norway. I was actually amazed to find out statistics about countries like Switzerland or Lichtenstein, which I previously thought as states with a high level of parity and social security for women. Oh was I wrong!
Overall conclusion is that this is a book every citizen of the world we currently live in should read. Especially men. It's an eye opener and a solution-focused case study on a very real and tragic issue that affects the daily lives of half the World's population that, frankly, is a shame and a real abomination how we are still able to ignore it in today's world.
I leave you with a quote:
"When we contrast equality with inequality, we do not define “equality” as sameness or identity. Men and women do not have to be the same to be equal. One can have equality in the context of difference. Therefore, our definition of “inequality” does not denote difference per se; rather it refers to the subordination of one who is different."
To be honest, the first chapters of this book are pretty hard to read because they lay down the basis for the discourse that follows. This basis consists of a number of real-life cases of abuse from rape, murder, disfiguration and prolonged torture of women and children. As I went through them I felt sick and wept many times because even though I knew that these realities happen everyday somewhere in the world, reading the names and specific torments of these individualised women gives these accounts of horror much more personal perspectives.
However, I really felt that I must read through each and every one of them as this was perhaps the only way I could contribute to some form of justice - to acknowledge their struggles and understand the conditions in which they happened and why.
As the book progresses, it gives out clear statistics to put these accounts in the bigger picture and rigorously asserts the issues and categorises them in support of the premise of the researcher's claim: that “we can no longer speak, in the same breath, about the security of women” (p. 208)
The book unsettles a variety of assumptions in political and security discourse, demonstrating that the security of women is a vital factor in the security of the state and its incidence of conflict and war. The authors compare micro-level gender violence and macro-level state peacefulness in global settings, supporting their findings with detailed analyses and factual cases. They tackle complex inequalities like patrilocality, marital abuse, child brides, genital mutilation, femicide, maternal mortality, sex labour, wage gap, sex education, STD rates, contraception access, psychological dominance, the failure of the law system to implement punishment for perpetrators and societal and religious norms imposed on women.
The overarching premise of the book argues that the security of women is violated. They complexly identify three specific forms of micro-aggression against women that in their theory account for the majority of the horrors against women. These are: “(1) lack of bodily integrity and physical security, (2) lack of equity in family law, and (3) lack of parity in the councils of human decision-making”. The book then proceeds to document how solving these three main issues might help the whole situation of women worldwide.
These claims, certainly, are not without centuries of precedent, as feminist scholars and activists have long pointed out. As Simone de Beauvoir, observed in The Second Sex regarding relations between the sexes - “All oppression creates a state of war. And this is no exception”.
The best thing about this book is that it not only exposes the situation from a multitude of angles and from a micro and macro perspective, but it also has an entire chapter on SOLUTIONS on how to recognise and ACT to help better the situation. Accessible actual ways to improve things on a small scale and on a daily basis that do not require anything more than a moral presence and a voice.
It's true that it mostly focuses on the Arab and Asian world, as in these parts of the world the inequalities and oppression of the female sex is most evident, but it also presents statistics and facts from the countries who are thought to have the smallest gender gap, like Sweden or Norway. I was actually amazed to find out statistics about countries like Switzerland or Lichtenstein, which I previously thought as states with a high level of parity and social security for women. Oh was I wrong!
Overall conclusion is that this is a book every citizen of the world we currently live in should read. Especially men. It's an eye opener and a solution-focused case study on a very real and tragic issue that affects the daily lives of half the World's population that, frankly, is a shame and a real abomination how we are still able to ignore it in today's world.
I leave you with a quote:
"When we contrast equality with inequality, we do not define “equality” as sameness or identity. Men and women do not have to be the same to be equal. One can have equality in the context of difference. Therefore, our definition of “inequality” does not denote difference per se; rather it refers to the subordination of one who is different."
February 7, 2017
This was a phenomenal book that collected years of interdisciplinary study into one cohesive exploration of the relationship between women's equality and the security or violence of a state. It was more dense and academic than I expected when I first heard of it, but well worth the effort. I have invested a lot of time in the study of women's rights, but I still learned many things I had not previously known, and was offered a different slant on how to perceive the above relationship.
Due to bias and specialization, there is maybe too much emphasis placed on Islamic societies in this book. When you read the bios of the authors it makes sense, but it did give us the sense that neither the USA nor other regions of the world were being held as accountable to these issues as they should have been. Some scholars will also take issue with their default assumption that polygamy, prostitution, and pornography are signals of exploitation of women, though I think that in the context used, there is no misrepresentation.
Initially I also thought perhaps the end was a bit too flowery, maybe too idyllic a representation of an equal society (they use a metaphor of a bird with two wings, one of which is wounded, and how it could soar were the other wing as strong), but actually after you slog through the immensity of data on violence against women and the global injustice perpetrated with regularity and impunity...you kind of need something beautiful and inspiring to get you to the end of the book.
Like I said, intense read, but well worth it, and with some strong, notable quotes.
Due to bias and specialization, there is maybe too much emphasis placed on Islamic societies in this book. When you read the bios of the authors it makes sense, but it did give us the sense that neither the USA nor other regions of the world were being held as accountable to these issues as they should have been. Some scholars will also take issue with their default assumption that polygamy, prostitution, and pornography are signals of exploitation of women, though I think that in the context used, there is no misrepresentation.
Initially I also thought perhaps the end was a bit too flowery, maybe too idyllic a representation of an equal society (they use a metaphor of a bird with two wings, one of which is wounded, and how it could soar were the other wing as strong), but actually after you slog through the immensity of data on violence against women and the global injustice perpetrated with regularity and impunity...you kind of need something beautiful and inspiring to get you to the end of the book.
Like I said, intense read, but well worth it, and with some strong, notable quotes.
March 10, 2013
It's going to take one helluva book to top Sex & World Peace as my favorite read of 2013. Whether it is the chapter dedicated to breaking down the evolutionary basis for patriarchy in our world, the global maps (not interactive) that drive home the current state of women around the world based on numerous robust--though still imperfect--data sets, or the authors' call to action for the future for individuals, organization, and nation states, the book is one of the most important contributions toward making the case for gender equality and ensuring the security of women around the globe in all of global women's rights literature. It is both scholarly rigorous for the expert and accessible to the layperson looking for an evidence-based primer on the issue of global gender equality, making this book a rare breed. I cannot recommend it highly enough.
November 8, 2022
Had to read this for a class a few years back but it has stuck with me ever since!
An extremely difficult read that will not leave you the same after you close the book. It is highly disturbing at times, but learning about what happens to the women of the world is worth it.
Writing this review late because I had Chad Emmett (one of the authors) as a professor and recently heard about his retirement. I checked out his blog and he wrote about the honor it was to write this book. He has always been a champion for the underdog and knowing that he helped write this book makes me want to share it with everyone!
Anyways, this was a solid read but AGAIN it has very heavy material. Ignorance is bliss, but knowledge is power!
An extremely difficult read that will not leave you the same after you close the book. It is highly disturbing at times, but learning about what happens to the women of the world is worth it.
Writing this review late because I had Chad Emmett (one of the authors) as a professor and recently heard about his retirement. I checked out his blog and he wrote about the honor it was to write this book. He has always been a champion for the underdog and knowing that he helped write this book makes me want to share it with everyone!
Anyways, this was a solid read but AGAIN it has very heavy material. Ignorance is bliss, but knowledge is power!
April 16, 2020
This is clearly a well-researched book jammed full of facts and theories about how improving the lives of girls & women will make the world a better and more peaceful place.
These are similar things to what is discussed in Melinda Gates' The Moment of Lift: How Empowering Women Changes the World (which I loved) but is much more detailed and dives deeper.
These are similar things to what is discussed in Melinda Gates' The Moment of Lift: How Empowering Women Changes the World (which I loved) but is much more detailed and dives deeper.
December 5, 2017
This is a vital, edifying book that I really needed to read during this frankly terrible time. The pedagogical tone might be off-putting to some readers, but I found it readable and approachable, as well as methodical and clear.
The theoretical foundations linking the establishment of violent patriarchy (manifested in physical insecurity and political precariousness of women) to insecurity of the state at the international level were lucid, and the review of the empirical data probing this relationship was compelling, careful, and nuanced.
One key contribution of this book is the explication of violent patriarchy's origins in evolutionary theory. The authors first address the facile misunderstanding that biology set down immutable, caricaturish sex roles (that is, aggressive men and submissive women) that echo through generations, and that reflect our true natures, regardless of any social reforms we may attempt to enact. Rather, they establish convincingly that violent patriarchy is the means set into play by the motive of male desire to control female sexuality, in order to combat female monopoly of genetic reproduction. Patriarchy became a self-propagating strategy as men controlled access to resources, directed the destiny of women via patrilocality (women leaving their natal families to join their husband's family), created alliances with other men even to the degree of sometimes harming men to ensure practices that would further disadvantage women, and always maintaining at least the threat of physical violence over women who might attempt to fight back. The evidence that this constant oppression of women also created endocrine changes, potentially heritable, as well as selecting for aggressiveness in males over time, only makes this explication more necessary and captivating (if infuriating).
The thesis that "when evolutionary forces predisposing to violent patriarchy are not checked through the use of cultural selection and social learning to ameliorate gender inequality, dysfunctional templates of violence and control diffuse throughout society and are manifested in state security and behavior" is lucid, and compellingly developed in the introduction, theoretical chapters, and conclusion. Beyond this, the development of comprehensive data sets that measure the physical security, societal valuation, and civic participation of women across the globe were fascinating and set the stage for further study and revelation. I agree that the preliminary empirical results are consistent with the hypotheses advanced.
Additionally, as a student of international relations during the mid-2000s, this volume's examination of the Islamic world was of particular interest. IR can be kind of insane in invoking theories, such as Huntington's clash of civilizations, that can be frankly culturally insensitive or even backward, in my opinion. This book provided a great service by carefully establishing that there is no monolithic female experience in Islamic countries, and by showing that while democratic norms and prosperity can have decent predictive value of a country's peacefulness (though not as great a predictive value as the security of women), prevalence of Islam is not a useful predictor for international peacefulness.
There were some devastating ironies in reading this volume (written during the Obama administration) today. First, there were several examples of "left" or liberal men deciding women's issues were simply special interest baggage irrelevant to broader security concerns, despite convincing evidence that bolstering the status of women would only aid in that shared goal. Most of all, though, the idea that aggressive men with a history of violence towards women, in alliance with men and women who fundamentally consider such violence acceptable, are ~theoretically~ more likely to be imprudently bellicose on the international plane... feels now, given the proclivities of a certain tweeter-in-chief, like the too-late pronouncement from the Institute of Slowly and Painfully Working Out the Surprisingly Obvious.
Nonetheless, I will try not to give in to despair. There is much to be done to improve the status of girls and women in our world, and the reminder that such an outcome would truly result in a better world for us all is bracing.
The theoretical foundations linking the establishment of violent patriarchy (manifested in physical insecurity and political precariousness of women) to insecurity of the state at the international level were lucid, and the review of the empirical data probing this relationship was compelling, careful, and nuanced.
One key contribution of this book is the explication of violent patriarchy's origins in evolutionary theory. The authors first address the facile misunderstanding that biology set down immutable, caricaturish sex roles (that is, aggressive men and submissive women) that echo through generations, and that reflect our true natures, regardless of any social reforms we may attempt to enact. Rather, they establish convincingly that violent patriarchy is the means set into play by the motive of male desire to control female sexuality, in order to combat female monopoly of genetic reproduction. Patriarchy became a self-propagating strategy as men controlled access to resources, directed the destiny of women via patrilocality (women leaving their natal families to join their husband's family), created alliances with other men even to the degree of sometimes harming men to ensure practices that would further disadvantage women, and always maintaining at least the threat of physical violence over women who might attempt to fight back. The evidence that this constant oppression of women also created endocrine changes, potentially heritable, as well as selecting for aggressiveness in males over time, only makes this explication more necessary and captivating (if infuriating).
The thesis that "when evolutionary forces predisposing to violent patriarchy are not checked through the use of cultural selection and social learning to ameliorate gender inequality, dysfunctional templates of violence and control diffuse throughout society and are manifested in state security and behavior" is lucid, and compellingly developed in the introduction, theoretical chapters, and conclusion. Beyond this, the development of comprehensive data sets that measure the physical security, societal valuation, and civic participation of women across the globe were fascinating and set the stage for further study and revelation. I agree that the preliminary empirical results are consistent with the hypotheses advanced.
Additionally, as a student of international relations during the mid-2000s, this volume's examination of the Islamic world was of particular interest. IR can be kind of insane in invoking theories, such as Huntington's clash of civilizations, that can be frankly culturally insensitive or even backward, in my opinion. This book provided a great service by carefully establishing that there is no monolithic female experience in Islamic countries, and by showing that while democratic norms and prosperity can have decent predictive value of a country's peacefulness (though not as great a predictive value as the security of women), prevalence of Islam is not a useful predictor for international peacefulness.
There were some devastating ironies in reading this volume (written during the Obama administration) today. First, there were several examples of "left" or liberal men deciding women's issues were simply special interest baggage irrelevant to broader security concerns, despite convincing evidence that bolstering the status of women would only aid in that shared goal. Most of all, though, the idea that aggressive men with a history of violence towards women, in alliance with men and women who fundamentally consider such violence acceptable, are ~theoretically~ more likely to be imprudently bellicose on the international plane... feels now, given the proclivities of a certain tweeter-in-chief, like the too-late pronouncement from the Institute of Slowly and Painfully Working Out the Surprisingly Obvious.
Nonetheless, I will try not to give in to despair. There is much to be done to improve the status of girls and women in our world, and the reminder that such an outcome would truly result in a better world for us all is bracing.
January 22, 2021
I don’t know why this isn’t required reading in universities, for politicians, for journalists, for religious leaders, for teachers, for the military, for parents, for the general public.
This explores the correlation between how women are treated and with how much equity, and peace and state security. The authors show that societies and states where women do not have equity in law, where they are not physically safe and secure, and where they are not part of human decision-making councils, are always more insecure, poorer, and more likely to be at war. Furthermore, children always suffer for it too and are more susceptible to abuse and death. They also show that, where the opposite is true - where there is equity, where there is autonomy and safety for women, and where they are involved in decision making from household level to government, states are more secure, richer, safer, better educated, and far less likely to go to war - and children are also healthier, safer, kinder, and smarter. It also shows how, when women are educated, when they are aware of their rights, and when they have total reproductive freedom, there is no population problem because women then tend to have fewer children - therefore it is better for biodiversity and the environment and planet in general.
Unless you’re some sort of psychopath, it will make you extremely angry as the authors explore what is still happening to women and girls around the world, and the effect this has on state security. It has more of an effect on peace and security than actual world war does. If you have experienced physical, sexual, emotional, psychological, or financial abuse - particularly from men (or even from women who are holding up the abusive practices of patriarchies) - you might find it very triggering, just to warn you.
This explores the correlation between how women are treated and with how much equity, and peace and state security. The authors show that societies and states where women do not have equity in law, where they are not physically safe and secure, and where they are not part of human decision-making councils, are always more insecure, poorer, and more likely to be at war. Furthermore, children always suffer for it too and are more susceptible to abuse and death. They also show that, where the opposite is true - where there is equity, where there is autonomy and safety for women, and where they are involved in decision making from household level to government, states are more secure, richer, safer, better educated, and far less likely to go to war - and children are also healthier, safer, kinder, and smarter. It also shows how, when women are educated, when they are aware of their rights, and when they have total reproductive freedom, there is no population problem because women then tend to have fewer children - therefore it is better for biodiversity and the environment and planet in general.
Unless you’re some sort of psychopath, it will make you extremely angry as the authors explore what is still happening to women and girls around the world, and the effect this has on state security. It has more of an effect on peace and security than actual world war does. If you have experienced physical, sexual, emotional, psychological, or financial abuse - particularly from men (or even from women who are holding up the abusive practices of patriarchies) - you might find it very triggering, just to warn you.
August 7, 2021
These authors present a compelling case that we cannot have meaningful discussions about global security without considering the rights and status of women. Their data show that the physical, economic and political security of women are better predictors of peace within and between nation-states than many of the commonly used variables, such as levels of democracy, wealth and others. It is a depressing book because it is horrifying to read about the extreme violence and insecurity that so many women throughout the world continue to face on a regular basis. But there is some hope, and the authors provide examples of political and social successes, while arguing that we must do much, much more.
August 28, 2018
This book should be required reading for every single person alive today. It lays out the issues that women and girls face throughout the world and how that affects their state security. Although it contains a lot of heavy and graphic material, I left feeling an extreme sense of motivation to follow their suggestions on how to make a difference.
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August 24, 2020DNF around 40%. Some of the conclusions seem to go beyond the evidence supports, and the book is too academic for me to be able to easily assess whether this is the case. That significantly reduces the value I get from reading it, and given the academic style it's a bit of a slog, so I'm going to save myself the effort and read something else!
September 15, 2018
I think this book was brilliant and taught me so much. A must read!
September 3, 2021
When women enjoy equal rights to men nations are more secure. The authors outline the many benefits of equality from the individual to the nation. We can each do something, no matter how small, to ensure we move in the direction of security and equality for all.
October 8, 2021
Sex and World Peace nos empuja a ver la esfera internacional, y más específicamente la seguridad internacional, a través de un enfoque de género. Este gran libro, como se menciona al inicio, fue escrito con las contribuciones de politólogos, psicólogos, internacionalistas, sociólogos y geógrafos. Esencialmente, Sex and World Peace es una serie de estudios y análisis que intentan evidenciar empíricamente la relación entre el sexo, entendido como género, y la paz mundial. Se observa que entre más equidad de género hay en un país, menos se tiende a la violencia.
El libro comienza con el planteamiento de varios términos (y sus definiciones) importantes para el estudio de género. Esta primera parte nos permite entender no solamente conceptos claves en la discusión de problemas de género, sino que nos pinta una idea muy vívida de las dificultades y momentos de opresión que viven las mujeres día a día en muchas partes del mundo. Se explican términos tales como la cultura de la vergüenza y de la culpa, la inequidad, la patrilocalidad, la mano de obra femenina no reconocida y las mujeres como mercancía.
Una idea reiterada a través del libro es que en los años que llevamos como comunidad internacional, hemos fallado en implementar la visión de género en cuestiones de seguridad. Es decir, ¿cómo es posible que ignoremos a la mitad de la población al analizar la seguridad mundial? Es un fenómeno común que, a la hora de tomar decisiones, las opiniones de las mujeres no sean tomadas en cuenta. Sex and World Peace sostiene que las mujeres son las que sufren los mayores grados de inseguridad y violencia, y sin embargo sus muertes no reciben la misma importancia que reciben las de los hombres. El libro nos habla respecto a muchas prácticas violentas normalizadas hacia las mujeres, tales como violaciones, asesinatos, feminicidios, abortos forzados, mutilaciones genitales, entre muchas otras. El libro entonces plantea, ¿por qué la seguridad de las mujeres no se toma en cuenta dentro de la seguridad del Estado?
A pesar de que el libro intenta dar ejemplos de todo el mundo, se enfoca principalmente en países asiáticos, islámicos y del medio oriente. Centrarse en estos países nos da una idea muy clara de la gravedad de la situación de las mujeres en el mundo, sin embargo hicieron falta ejemplos en otro tipo de países para tener una imagen más amplia.
A la hora de hablar acerca de la situación mundial de las mujeres, el libro reconoce que no se puede ver un solo aspecto de la vida de las mujeres para poder evaluar su condición de vida. Por esta razón examina detalladamente diversas variables, o bien, escalas de medición de la seguridad física de las mujeres. Ya que los diferentes tipos de subordinación de las mujeres pueden variar mucho entre culturas, es necesario implementar una visión y un análisis más completo. Sin embargo, para un análisis aún más claro, se tendría que tener en cuenta la perspectiva interseccional, ya que la experiencia de la mujer no es universal. Quizás esta no está presente en el libro, debido a la época en la que se escribió el texto.
El capítulo explica cada escala de medición y lo que implica el respectivo puntaje que puede obtener cada país. Algunos casos sorprendentes nos dejan claro que no todo es como lo imaginamos; algunos países que muestran avances sociales en ciertos aspectos de la sociedad hacia las mujeres, pueden tener puntajes bajos en ciertas escalas. Un ejemplo es Suiza, que en cuestiones de seguridad física de las mujeres tiene uno de los puntajes más altos, y que sin embargo, en la escala de proporción de sexo (el llamado “sex ratio”) y en materia de preferencia por los hijos hombres, tiene uno de los puntajes más bajos.
Posteriormente el libro se enfoca en analizar las estructuras sociales, y entender el origen del patriarcado observado mundialmente. SWP explica que no nacemos conociendo la violencia, nos la van enseñando mientras vamos creciendo. Poco a poco se va formando una identidad común que excluye a las mujeres, justificando la violencia hacia las personas que no pertenecen al grupo común. Fundamentalmente, el libro argumenta que la violencia es ejercida por los hombres, ya que es una manera efectiva de controlar a las mujeres. Llevándolo al ámbito internacional, el uso de la violencia es visto como el mecanismo más efectivo de poder. Esto resulta en la creación de sistemas legales construidos únicamente en torno al hombre. Dichos sistemas dificultan que las mujeres puedan salir de las situaciones difíciles en las que se encuentran, ya que no tienen acceso a herramientas que las puedan ayudar. Esta parte del libro es más simple de seguir, por la claridad con la que se explica.
SWP expone que el Estado puede ser un arma de doble filo para las mujeres. En muchas ocasiones el apoyo de las mujeres es necesario para poder implementar nuevos regímenes, pero a la hora de garantizar el cumplimiento de sus derechos, el Estado no les da su apoyo. Los gobiernos tienen mucho poder e influencia, tiene la capacidad de modificar discursos y lograr que las cosas cambien. El libro nos habla de diferentes estrategias que pueden lograr que haya mayor equidad de género. La primera viene de arriba hacia abajo, y la segunda de abajo hacia arriba. Ambas tienen sus beneficios y desventajas, pero al final, explican los autores, son necesarias las dos para lograr un cambio fundamental.
Concluyendo, el libro da muchas evidencias de los beneficios que surgen cuando la mujer toma un mayor papel en la sociedad, en el gobierno y sobre todo en la toma de decisiones. Este libro no plantea que las mujeres deberían de reemplazar a los hombres, sino que al lograr la equidad, se llegará a un equilibrio de la sociedad. Igualmente el libro menciona que cuando las mujeres tienen un papel central en el gobierno, las tasas de corrupción disminuyen significativamente, por lo cual sube la confianza tanto nacional como internacional. Esta confianza resulta en consecuencias económicas positivas, al igual que en la disminución de la violencia mencionada previamente. La toma conjunta de decisiones entre mujeres y hombres lleva a que el Estado reaccione menos impulsivamente, evitando la violencia y tomando decisiones más racionales.
Sex and World Peace realmente es un libro que todo el mundo debería leer; deja una imagen clara de la violencia cometida hacia las mujeres. No es un libro fácil de leer, ya que incluye testimonios de historias brutales. Los datos y el nivel de investigación dejan claro que es una tesis bien fundada. Algo que a mi parecer destaca a este libro de otros, es que a pesar de que se hable de un tema difícil de procesar y que puede llegar a desanimar a muchos por la poca esperanza de que las cosas mejoren, acaba con un tono positivo que inspira acción hacia un mundo más equitativo. De igual manera, SWP da una serie de estrategias que pueden ser útiles para la lucha y obtención de derechos de las mujeres. Un punto altamente rescatable es que, para poder lograr un avance, es necesario tener a los hombres como aliados. Los hombres mismos son los que podrán cambiar de manera más efectiva a los otros hombres. Igualmente, el libro menciona la importancia de las pequeñas victorias. El cambio tiene que venir desde todos los miembros de la sociedad, cambiando su mentalidad, al igual que de un apoyo legal y sancionatorio por parte de los Estados.
Sex and World Peace realmente nos abre los ojos a realidades que enfrentan millones de personas todos los días. Aplicar una perspectiva de género a la discusión de seguridad es realmente fundamental en la época en la que vivimos. Libros como este son necesarios para poder comenzar a proponer soluciones de maneras distintas. A pesar de que se puede profundizar un poco más en cómo la violencia de género, el patriarcado, y la equidad de género afectan a la comunidad internacional y la paz entre Estados, este es un gran comienzo.
Podríamos quizás cuestionarnos lo que proponen los autores: “¿Acaso los académicos de las relaciones internacionales y estudios de seguridad están haciendo las preguntas correctas? ¿Alguien está preguntando si la intervención militar mejora la seguridad de las mujeres?” Las respuestas a este tipo de preguntas podrían hacer la diferencia en cuanto a la toma de decisiones y diseño de políticas públicas e internacionales en el futuro.
Valerie M. Hudson. “Sex and World Peace”.
El libro comienza con el planteamiento de varios términos (y sus definiciones) importantes para el estudio de género. Esta primera parte nos permite entender no solamente conceptos claves en la discusión de problemas de género, sino que nos pinta una idea muy vívida de las dificultades y momentos de opresión que viven las mujeres día a día en muchas partes del mundo. Se explican términos tales como la cultura de la vergüenza y de la culpa, la inequidad, la patrilocalidad, la mano de obra femenina no reconocida y las mujeres como mercancía.
Una idea reiterada a través del libro es que en los años que llevamos como comunidad internacional, hemos fallado en implementar la visión de género en cuestiones de seguridad. Es decir, ¿cómo es posible que ignoremos a la mitad de la población al analizar la seguridad mundial? Es un fenómeno común que, a la hora de tomar decisiones, las opiniones de las mujeres no sean tomadas en cuenta. Sex and World Peace sostiene que las mujeres son las que sufren los mayores grados de inseguridad y violencia, y sin embargo sus muertes no reciben la misma importancia que reciben las de los hombres. El libro nos habla respecto a muchas prácticas violentas normalizadas hacia las mujeres, tales como violaciones, asesinatos, feminicidios, abortos forzados, mutilaciones genitales, entre muchas otras. El libro entonces plantea, ¿por qué la seguridad de las mujeres no se toma en cuenta dentro de la seguridad del Estado?
A pesar de que el libro intenta dar ejemplos de todo el mundo, se enfoca principalmente en países asiáticos, islámicos y del medio oriente. Centrarse en estos países nos da una idea muy clara de la gravedad de la situación de las mujeres en el mundo, sin embargo hicieron falta ejemplos en otro tipo de países para tener una imagen más amplia.
A la hora de hablar acerca de la situación mundial de las mujeres, el libro reconoce que no se puede ver un solo aspecto de la vida de las mujeres para poder evaluar su condición de vida. Por esta razón examina detalladamente diversas variables, o bien, escalas de medición de la seguridad física de las mujeres. Ya que los diferentes tipos de subordinación de las mujeres pueden variar mucho entre culturas, es necesario implementar una visión y un análisis más completo. Sin embargo, para un análisis aún más claro, se tendría que tener en cuenta la perspectiva interseccional, ya que la experiencia de la mujer no es universal. Quizás esta no está presente en el libro, debido a la época en la que se escribió el texto.
El capítulo explica cada escala de medición y lo que implica el respectivo puntaje que puede obtener cada país. Algunos casos sorprendentes nos dejan claro que no todo es como lo imaginamos; algunos países que muestran avances sociales en ciertos aspectos de la sociedad hacia las mujeres, pueden tener puntajes bajos en ciertas escalas. Un ejemplo es Suiza, que en cuestiones de seguridad física de las mujeres tiene uno de los puntajes más altos, y que sin embargo, en la escala de proporción de sexo (el llamado “sex ratio”) y en materia de preferencia por los hijos hombres, tiene uno de los puntajes más bajos.
Posteriormente el libro se enfoca en analizar las estructuras sociales, y entender el origen del patriarcado observado mundialmente. SWP explica que no nacemos conociendo la violencia, nos la van enseñando mientras vamos creciendo. Poco a poco se va formando una identidad común que excluye a las mujeres, justificando la violencia hacia las personas que no pertenecen al grupo común. Fundamentalmente, el libro argumenta que la violencia es ejercida por los hombres, ya que es una manera efectiva de controlar a las mujeres. Llevándolo al ámbito internacional, el uso de la violencia es visto como el mecanismo más efectivo de poder. Esto resulta en la creación de sistemas legales construidos únicamente en torno al hombre. Dichos sistemas dificultan que las mujeres puedan salir de las situaciones difíciles en las que se encuentran, ya que no tienen acceso a herramientas que las puedan ayudar. Esta parte del libro es más simple de seguir, por la claridad con la que se explica.
SWP expone que el Estado puede ser un arma de doble filo para las mujeres. En muchas ocasiones el apoyo de las mujeres es necesario para poder implementar nuevos regímenes, pero a la hora de garantizar el cumplimiento de sus derechos, el Estado no les da su apoyo. Los gobiernos tienen mucho poder e influencia, tiene la capacidad de modificar discursos y lograr que las cosas cambien. El libro nos habla de diferentes estrategias que pueden lograr que haya mayor equidad de género. La primera viene de arriba hacia abajo, y la segunda de abajo hacia arriba. Ambas tienen sus beneficios y desventajas, pero al final, explican los autores, son necesarias las dos para lograr un cambio fundamental.
Concluyendo, el libro da muchas evidencias de los beneficios que surgen cuando la mujer toma un mayor papel en la sociedad, en el gobierno y sobre todo en la toma de decisiones. Este libro no plantea que las mujeres deberían de reemplazar a los hombres, sino que al lograr la equidad, se llegará a un equilibrio de la sociedad. Igualmente el libro menciona que cuando las mujeres tienen un papel central en el gobierno, las tasas de corrupción disminuyen significativamente, por lo cual sube la confianza tanto nacional como internacional. Esta confianza resulta en consecuencias económicas positivas, al igual que en la disminución de la violencia mencionada previamente. La toma conjunta de decisiones entre mujeres y hombres lleva a que el Estado reaccione menos impulsivamente, evitando la violencia y tomando decisiones más racionales.
Sex and World Peace realmente es un libro que todo el mundo debería leer; deja una imagen clara de la violencia cometida hacia las mujeres. No es un libro fácil de leer, ya que incluye testimonios de historias brutales. Los datos y el nivel de investigación dejan claro que es una tesis bien fundada. Algo que a mi parecer destaca a este libro de otros, es que a pesar de que se hable de un tema difícil de procesar y que puede llegar a desanimar a muchos por la poca esperanza de que las cosas mejoren, acaba con un tono positivo que inspira acción hacia un mundo más equitativo. De igual manera, SWP da una serie de estrategias que pueden ser útiles para la lucha y obtención de derechos de las mujeres. Un punto altamente rescatable es que, para poder lograr un avance, es necesario tener a los hombres como aliados. Los hombres mismos son los que podrán cambiar de manera más efectiva a los otros hombres. Igualmente, el libro menciona la importancia de las pequeñas victorias. El cambio tiene que venir desde todos los miembros de la sociedad, cambiando su mentalidad, al igual que de un apoyo legal y sancionatorio por parte de los Estados.
Sex and World Peace realmente nos abre los ojos a realidades que enfrentan millones de personas todos los días. Aplicar una perspectiva de género a la discusión de seguridad es realmente fundamental en la época en la que vivimos. Libros como este son necesarios para poder comenzar a proponer soluciones de maneras distintas. A pesar de que se puede profundizar un poco más en cómo la violencia de género, el patriarcado, y la equidad de género afectan a la comunidad internacional y la paz entre Estados, este es un gran comienzo.
Podríamos quizás cuestionarnos lo que proponen los autores: “¿Acaso los académicos de las relaciones internacionales y estudios de seguridad están haciendo las preguntas correctas? ¿Alguien está preguntando si la intervención militar mejora la seguridad de las mujeres?” Las respuestas a este tipo de preguntas podrían hacer la diferencia en cuanto a la toma de decisiones y diseño de políticas públicas e internacionales en el futuro.
Valerie M. Hudson. “Sex and World Peace”.
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October 9, 2021El pájaro malherido
Reseña a Hudson, Valerie M., Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli, y Chad F. Emmett. Sex and World Peace. Columbia University Press, 2012.
Marina Medina de León
8 de octubre del 2021
La humanidad es un pájaro, un pájaro que jamás ha podido volar plenamente. Este pájaro tiene dos alas: una masculina y una femenina. El ala de las mujeres lleva siglos fracturada, golpeada, esguinzada, y, por ello, el pájaro no puede volar. La violencia y marginalización que sufren las mujeres no les afecta únicamente a ellas, ni afecta únicamente a nivel local: la violencia a las mujeres es un factor clave para poder comprender la actual inseguridad que experimenta el tablero internacional. A pesar de la relevancia de este factor, las decisiones políticas y económicas suelen tomarse con un enfoque “neutral” al género, lo que en realidad equivale a ignorar la situación de la mitad de la población, de las mujeres, y esto, a su vez, lleva a decisiones deficientes. Para comprender los complejos vínculos entre la violencia que sufren las mujeres y la que sufre el sistema internacional vale la pena leer Sex and World Peace.
Este libro fue escrito por cuatro autoras, las cuales fueron apoyadas en sus investigaciones por múltiples individuos y organizaciones. Valerie M. Hudson y Mary Caprioli son dos politólogas especializadas en las relaciones internacionales. Valery es profesora y presidente de George H. W. Bush en la Escuela de Gobierno y Servicio Público Bush en la Universidad Texas A&M. Mary es profesora asociada y directora de los estudios internacionales en la Universidad de Minnesota Duluth. Chad F. Emmett es un geógrafo especializado en el estudio de las sociedades islámicas. Es profesor asociado de geografía en la Universidad Brigham Young. Finalmente, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, una psicóloga que se especializa en las relaciones entre socialización, género y paz. Bonnie es profesora emérita de psicología en la Universidad Brigham Young y la última directora del Women’s Research Institute.
El libro se divide en siete capítulos, con temas claramente definidos, y dos largos apéndices que profundizan en la investigación y refuerzan las conclusiones otorgadas a lo largo del texto. Los primeros capítulos te llevan a las lágrimas y te empujan hasta tocar la rabia. Están repletos de testimonios de mujeres que han sufrido y de hombres que han realizado abusos físicos, violaciones en grupo, feminicidios, humillaciones, mutilaciones, manipulación y muchos otros pecados. No hay una gota de censura en estos capítulos, cuyo objetivo es tirar la cubetada de agua fría sobre el lector y presentarle la realidad de las mujeres. Conforme avanza el texto se va alejando cada vez más de lo local, hasta llegar a lo internacional: para este punto el lector comprende perfectamente por qué la paz entre Estados depende de la situación de las mujeres en cada país. Finalmente, no es un texto simplemente informativo, el objetivo ulterior del libro es que el lector se de cuenta de que tiene vela en el entierro y comience a actuar para cambiar la realidad de la humanidad. Cabe mencionar que el libro cuenta múltiples estadísticas, mapas y cifras que le ayudan al lector a comprender la situación de las mujeres en el mundo.
En el primer capítulo explican la lógica detrás de mucha de la violencia a las mujeres. Las mujeres son quienes reproducen el grupo, física y culturalmente. Que una mujer se una a otro grupo no es un problema personal, sino un problema del grupo. Así que el grupo busca defender a sus mujeres. Pero el valor de la mujer se termina asociando con el estado de sus relaciones sexuales, pues son éstas las que construyen el grupo y las que pueden traer caos. Proteger a la mujer se convierte en proteger su castidad, de ésta depende el honor del grupo: así surgen las culturas de la vergüenza y de la culpa (honor-shame societies). A pesar del “honor”, el matrimonio se convierte en un intercambio de mercancía (una mujer) entre dos hombres (el marido y el padre). Hay un dicho común en Uganda: “el hombre más pobre es el que no tiene una esposa que haga el trabajo por él y que le de hijos”.
Desde sociedades primitivas los hombres establecieron alianzas entre ellos mucho más fuertes que las que las mujeres pudieron crear. En los grupos de hombres se fomenta la visión de los de “adentro” y los de “afuera”, mucho más que en los de mujeres. Estas alianzas redujeron el nivel de competencia entre los hombres del grupo, promovieron el éxito reproductivo masculino y se convirtieron en su primer sistema cuando había conflicto con las mujeres. Los hombres aprendieron que podían obtener recursos (incluyendo mujeres) de otros grupos con poco costo al generar coaliciones violentas. Con el paso de los siglos las sociedades crecieron y las nacionalidades sustituyeron al vínculo biológico o de clan, pero mantuvieron la misma lógica. La lógica del clan se convirtió en la lógica del Estado. Al no haber mujeres para acompañar la creación de esta lógica de Estado, la situación no cambia y para los países sigue siendo racional usar la violencia para conseguir sus objetivos.
Explican que hay tres grandes heridas en el ala: falta de integridad corporal y seguridad física, falta de equidad en el derecho de familia y falta de paridad en el consejo de toma de decisiones humanas. Como especie debemos de trabajar para curar estas heridas y poder volar. Es curioso como “más vidas se han perdido por violencia a la mujer a causa de abortos selectivos por sexo, infanticidio femenino, suicidio, mortalidad materna atroz y otras causas vinculadas al sexo que por todas las pérdidas ocurridas en las guerras y conflictos sociales durante el siglo XX”. También es curioso que en grandes regiones las mujeres no puedan heredar la tierra, cuando más de la mitad del trabajo agrícola lo realizan ellas, o que en caso de divorcio las mujeres pierdan potestad sobre los hijos, cuando son principalmente ellas quienes los crían. Otra cosa curiosa es que las constantes crisis económicas se podrían haber evitado si hubiese más mujeres en las tomas de decisiones sobre las especulaciones que llevaron al problema. Tomamos mejores decisiones, de cualquier tipo, cuando las tomamos en conjunto, entre hombres y mujeres.
El quinto y sexto capítulo le regresan la esperanza al lector y le dan una guía de acción. En ellos se exponen las cosas que el Estado puede hacer y lo que los movimientos sociales y los individuos pueden hacer para mejorar la situación de las mujeres y, en consecuencia, mejorar la situación de la humanidad. Algo muy importante a resaltar es que, para que el cambio sea verdaderamente fuerte, se necesita que ambos grupos, el Estado y los movimientos sociales, trabajen en conjunto, se refuercen y presionen entre sí.
Algo que sería bueno que incluyeran las primeras páginas del libro sería una advertencia a las personas sobrevivientes de violencia sexual, violencia marital, o personas cercanas a un evento de feminicidio. Los testimonios presentados son muy crudos y destapan emociones profundas, mucho más para aquellas personas que se pueden relacionar con tales acontecimientos. No sobraría que incluyera más ejemplos y explicaciones de lo que sucede con las mujeres de Occidente, para poder abrir aun más el panorama.
Este libro cambia toda la perspectiva que uno tiene sobre el funcionamiento del mundo. Usualmente vemos el árbol y pensamos que nuestra visión está completa. Sin embargo, ignoramos las raíces. No habrá manera de guiar el crecimiento del árbol si continuamos ignorando sus raíces, raíces plagadas de asuntos de género. Nuestras políticas y teorías ya no pueden ser “neutrales” al género. Si deseamos progresar debemos curar las heridas de las mujeres. Ese es el único modo para que la humanidad pueda volar.
Reseña a Hudson, Valerie M., Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli, y Chad F. Emmett. Sex and World Peace. Columbia University Press, 2012.
Marina Medina de León
8 de octubre del 2021
La humanidad es un pájaro, un pájaro que jamás ha podido volar plenamente. Este pájaro tiene dos alas: una masculina y una femenina. El ala de las mujeres lleva siglos fracturada, golpeada, esguinzada, y, por ello, el pájaro no puede volar. La violencia y marginalización que sufren las mujeres no les afecta únicamente a ellas, ni afecta únicamente a nivel local: la violencia a las mujeres es un factor clave para poder comprender la actual inseguridad que experimenta el tablero internacional. A pesar de la relevancia de este factor, las decisiones políticas y económicas suelen tomarse con un enfoque “neutral” al género, lo que en realidad equivale a ignorar la situación de la mitad de la población, de las mujeres, y esto, a su vez, lleva a decisiones deficientes. Para comprender los complejos vínculos entre la violencia que sufren las mujeres y la que sufre el sistema internacional vale la pena leer Sex and World Peace.
Este libro fue escrito por cuatro autoras, las cuales fueron apoyadas en sus investigaciones por múltiples individuos y organizaciones. Valerie M. Hudson y Mary Caprioli son dos politólogas especializadas en las relaciones internacionales. Valery es profesora y presidente de George H. W. Bush en la Escuela de Gobierno y Servicio Público Bush en la Universidad Texas A&M. Mary es profesora asociada y directora de los estudios internacionales en la Universidad de Minnesota Duluth. Chad F. Emmett es un geógrafo especializado en el estudio de las sociedades islámicas. Es profesor asociado de geografía en la Universidad Brigham Young. Finalmente, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, una psicóloga que se especializa en las relaciones entre socialización, género y paz. Bonnie es profesora emérita de psicología en la Universidad Brigham Young y la última directora del Women’s Research Institute.
El libro se divide en siete capítulos, con temas claramente definidos, y dos largos apéndices que profundizan en la investigación y refuerzan las conclusiones otorgadas a lo largo del texto. Los primeros capítulos te llevan a las lágrimas y te empujan hasta tocar la rabia. Están repletos de testimonios de mujeres que han sufrido y de hombres que han realizado abusos físicos, violaciones en grupo, feminicidios, humillaciones, mutilaciones, manipulación y muchos otros pecados. No hay una gota de censura en estos capítulos, cuyo objetivo es tirar la cubetada de agua fría sobre el lector y presentarle la realidad de las mujeres. Conforme avanza el texto se va alejando cada vez más de lo local, hasta llegar a lo internacional: para este punto el lector comprende perfectamente por qué la paz entre Estados depende de la situación de las mujeres en cada país. Finalmente, no es un texto simplemente informativo, el objetivo ulterior del libro es que el lector se de cuenta de que tiene vela en el entierro y comience a actuar para cambiar la realidad de la humanidad. Cabe mencionar que el libro cuenta múltiples estadísticas, mapas y cifras que le ayudan al lector a comprender la situación de las mujeres en el mundo.
En el primer capítulo explican la lógica detrás de mucha de la violencia a las mujeres. Las mujeres son quienes reproducen el grupo, física y culturalmente. Que una mujer se una a otro grupo no es un problema personal, sino un problema del grupo. Así que el grupo busca defender a sus mujeres. Pero el valor de la mujer se termina asociando con el estado de sus relaciones sexuales, pues son éstas las que construyen el grupo y las que pueden traer caos. Proteger a la mujer se convierte en proteger su castidad, de ésta depende el honor del grupo: así surgen las culturas de la vergüenza y de la culpa (honor-shame societies). A pesar del “honor”, el matrimonio se convierte en un intercambio de mercancía (una mujer) entre dos hombres (el marido y el padre). Hay un dicho común en Uganda: “el hombre más pobre es el que no tiene una esposa que haga el trabajo por él y que le de hijos”.
Desde sociedades primitivas los hombres establecieron alianzas entre ellos mucho más fuertes que las que las mujeres pudieron crear. En los grupos de hombres se fomenta la visión de los de “adentro” y los de “afuera”, mucho más que en los de mujeres. Estas alianzas redujeron el nivel de competencia entre los hombres del grupo, promovieron el éxito reproductivo masculino y se convirtieron en su primer sistema cuando había conflicto con las mujeres. Los hombres aprendieron que podían obtener recursos (incluyendo mujeres) de otros grupos con poco costo al generar coaliciones violentas. Con el paso de los siglos las sociedades crecieron y las nacionalidades sustituyeron al vínculo biológico o de clan, pero mantuvieron la misma lógica. La lógica del clan se convirtió en la lógica del Estado. Al no haber mujeres para acompañar la creación de esta lógica de Estado, la situación no cambia y para los países sigue siendo racional usar la violencia para conseguir sus objetivos.
Explican que hay tres grandes heridas en el ala: falta de integridad corporal y seguridad física, falta de equidad en el derecho de familia y falta de paridad en el consejo de toma de decisiones humanas. Como especie debemos de trabajar para curar estas heridas y poder volar. Es curioso como “más vidas se han perdido por violencia a la mujer a causa de abortos selectivos por sexo, infanticidio femenino, suicidio, mortalidad materna atroz y otras causas vinculadas al sexo que por todas las pérdidas ocurridas en las guerras y conflictos sociales durante el siglo XX”. También es curioso que en grandes regiones las mujeres no puedan heredar la tierra, cuando más de la mitad del trabajo agrícola lo realizan ellas, o que en caso de divorcio las mujeres pierdan potestad sobre los hijos, cuando son principalmente ellas quienes los crían. Otra cosa curiosa es que las constantes crisis económicas se podrían haber evitado si hubiese más mujeres en las tomas de decisiones sobre las especulaciones que llevaron al problema. Tomamos mejores decisiones, de cualquier tipo, cuando las tomamos en conjunto, entre hombres y mujeres.
El quinto y sexto capítulo le regresan la esperanza al lector y le dan una guía de acción. En ellos se exponen las cosas que el Estado puede hacer y lo que los movimientos sociales y los individuos pueden hacer para mejorar la situación de las mujeres y, en consecuencia, mejorar la situación de la humanidad. Algo muy importante a resaltar es que, para que el cambio sea verdaderamente fuerte, se necesita que ambos grupos, el Estado y los movimientos sociales, trabajen en conjunto, se refuercen y presionen entre sí.
Algo que sería bueno que incluyeran las primeras páginas del libro sería una advertencia a las personas sobrevivientes de violencia sexual, violencia marital, o personas cercanas a un evento de feminicidio. Los testimonios presentados son muy crudos y destapan emociones profundas, mucho más para aquellas personas que se pueden relacionar con tales acontecimientos. No sobraría que incluyera más ejemplos y explicaciones de lo que sucede con las mujeres de Occidente, para poder abrir aun más el panorama.
Este libro cambia toda la perspectiva que uno tiene sobre el funcionamiento del mundo. Usualmente vemos el árbol y pensamos que nuestra visión está completa. Sin embargo, ignoramos las raíces. No habrá manera de guiar el crecimiento del árbol si continuamos ignorando sus raíces, raíces plagadas de asuntos de género. Nuestras políticas y teorías ya no pueden ser “neutrales” al género. Si deseamos progresar debemos curar las heridas de las mujeres. Ese es el único modo para que la humanidad pueda volar.
October 17, 2021
EL SEXO ES PODER… SI ERES HOMBRE
RESEÑA A Hudson, Valerie M., Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli, y Chad F. Emmet. Sex and World Peace. Nueva York: Columbia University Press, 2012.
Sé que el lector espera una reseña acerca del libro Sex and World Peace de Valerie M. Hudson, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli y Chad F. Emmet, pero, primero, permítame contarle un poco acerca de mí. Soy una joven mexicana que, como el resto, disfruta de derechos humanos consagrados en la ley suprema de mi país y en los tratados internacionales que ha ratificado. Por ende, no solo de facto soy un ser humano poseedor de garantías inalienables, sino que mi Estado ha jurado su protección. No obstante, día a día, vivo y compruebo las deficiencias de las autoridades para preservar lo más básico a mi persona y lo esencial a mi existencia. Salgo a la calle y salgo con miedo, porque no hay nada que asegure que voy a regresar. En esta nación democrática, laica, representativa y popular, una cultura machista ejerce violencia sobre mi alma, las doctrinas religiosas y su intolerancia deciden sobre mi cuerpo, y las instituciones son planeadas para acallar mi voz y mi voto. No me pida que me tranquilice, pues me siento indefensa: quiero cambiar un mundo que parece haber olvidado a la mujer. Sin embargo, heme aquí —acabado de leer Sex and World Peace— con mis esperanzas restauradas: he descubierto que no estamos solas y que esta realidad muta (y nosotros con ella).
Ahora bien, estoy segura de que el lector se preguntará porqué hago una afirmación tan contundente acerca de nuestras vidas, de la que muchos filósofos (dado que rara vez se escuchan nombres propios de mujer) han dedicado su trayectoria a resolver. Pues bien, Hudson, Caprioli, Baliff-Spanvill y Emmet forman un grupo multidisciplinario de dos politólogas, una psicóloga y un geógrafo, respectivamente, que descubrieron una laguna en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales: el estudio de la seguridad internacional —y nacional— no considera variables y factores de género —y de la mujer— dentro de su metodología. La investigación de cómo lograr la paz mundial se enfoca en resolver conflictos ideológicos, políticos y económicos, pero no en la diferencia abismal entre los géneros humanos. Las naciones (y sus estudiosos) parecen olvidar que su seguridad también depende de lo que les sucede a las mujeres. Así, los expertos en género, seguridad, paz, violencia interpersonal y relaciones internacionales buscan que observemos con una perspectiva más amplia los asuntos globales, y que adoptemos una posición crítica y preguntemos ¿dónde están las mujeres?
En cuanto a su estructura y contenido, Sex and World Peace se constituye de siete capítulos de un arduo estudio cualitativo y cuantitativo, y de dos apéndices con tablas y mapas para profundizar el análisis. El primer capítulo, “Roots of National and International Relations”, está dirigido a los estudiantes de Relaciones Internacionales. En él se discuten teorías clásicas, pero desde un punto de vista de género y de sexo. Entonces, se mencionan ejemplos como la restricción reproductiva, crisis económicas (como la del 2008) y de salud (como la del síndrome de inmunodeficiencia adquirida), el choque de civilizaciones, la teoría de la paz democrática, entre otros.
En el segundo apartado, “What Is There to See, and Why Aren’t We Seeing It?”, los académicos definen el término “microagresión” para mostrar cómo acciones, aparentemente pequeñas e insignificantes, tienen un efecto mariposa e impactan en todos los niveles hasta alcanzar el internacional. Sin atender, estos diminutos tumores (imperceptibles en un inicio) se vuelven cancerígenos. La falta de integridad física y de seguridad de la mujer, la codificación de leyes inequitativas, y la disparidad entre hombres y mujeres en plataformas de discusión y representación son los tres más peligrosos, pues no se puede considerar “saludable” un Estado que descuida a la mitad de su población; al final, la enfermedad corrompe todo el sistema y se desencadena una guerra por sobrevivir entre organismos.
En la tercera sección, “When We Do See the Global Picture, We Are Moved to Ask How This Happened”, los profesores desafían el prejuicio de que las ciencias sociales no tienen cabida en el mundo de los datos duros, pues logran que su argumento se respalde de un cumulo de información procesada rigurosamente: emplean variables y escalas para mapear patrones de la situación de la mujer en todo el mundo. Asimismo, los autores recurren a la teoría de la evolución, ya que confirma la relación entre la seguridad física de la mujer y comportamientos arcaicos de las colectividades humanas.
En la cuarta parte, “The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States”, los investigadores discuten las respuestas que se han dado a la pregunta de cuáles son las raíces del conflicto e inseguridad de los Estados. Unos argumentan que el origen son diferencias civilizatorias, como etnicidad, idioma, religión y disponibilidad de recursos. Otros aseguran que la respuesta yace en el tipo de régimen —democrático o no democrático— del país. Empero, los académicos añaden un factor más a considerar: la equidad de género, pues cuentan con pruebas suficientes para afirmar que el bienestar de la mujer define considerablemente el estatus de un Estado y el equilibrio del escenario internacional.
Aparte, ya identificadas las grandes desigualdades entre el hombre y la mujer, los profesores confrontan la pregunta de cómo eliminarlas y, por tanto, presentan dos aproximaciones: en el capítulo quinto, “Wings of National and International Relations, Part One: Effecting Positive Change Through Top-Down Approaches”, analizan las acciones que se pueden llevar a cabo desde un nivel macro o estatal para estabilizar la situación de la mujer, pues se cuenta con medios —violentos y no violentos— para cambiar las normas sociales. En el sexto apartado, “Wings of National and International Relations, Part Two: Effecting Positive Change Through Bottom-Up Approaches”, los autores llaman a mujeres (y a hombres) a actuar desde sus trincheras, sin esperar que las autoridades cumplan sus promesas vacías, y presentan numerosos ejemplos de cómo podemos cambiar, desde un nivel micro, las circunstancias precarias de la mujer.
Finalmente, en “Taking Wing”, los académicos hacen un breve, pero exhaustivo recuento de lo discutido en su trabajo y concluyen que lo que le sucede a la mujer afecta directamente la seguridad, estabilidad, prosperidad, belicosidad, corrupción, salud, tipo de régimen y, por supuesto, poder de un Estado. De modo que, los autores nos exhortan a reconocer y proceder acorde a la comprensión de que “nunca habrá paz para nuestras naciones a menos que haya paz entre sexos.” Como bien dicen, el conocimiento es poder y actuar, nuestra única alternativa.
Cuando empecé a leer Sex and World Peace, me propuse solo destacar lo importante. Mi libro terminó lleno de subrayados y anotaciones: me atrapó y me generó enojo, tristeza, emoción, interés e impotencia. Su estructura lo hizo fácil de leer y de seguir la línea de argumentación, sus autores lograron hacerlo accesible y fluido. Además, los profesores complementan la información dura con testimoniales de personas involucradas en proyectos y relacionadas con, o afectadas por, la inequidad entre géneros. Los investigadores también proponen posibles soluciones a través de acciones cotidianas (como no ceder ante la presión social, cuestionar aparentes hechos y verdades, pedir ayuda o ayudar a otros) que, una vez arraigadas, crean una realidad distinta. En contraste, si bien el libro reitera planteamientos para remarcar su importancia, en ocasiones resulta un tanto repetitivo.
Queda claro que nuestro mundo es un lugar injusto y despiadado y, personalmente, resiento las heridas causadas por las microagresiones de género. Sin embargo, aún puedo considerarme afortunada: el libro recopila solo algunas historias, pero millones de mujeres son víctimas de situaciones de extrema violencia e inequidad. Por esta razón, si deseamos ser un factor de cambio y no simples espectadores, debemos descubrir las acciones a emprender para lograr una verdadera paz mundial, no solo entre países y credos, sino entre las personas más allá de su género.
RESEÑA A Hudson, Valerie M., Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli, y Chad F. Emmet. Sex and World Peace. Nueva York: Columbia University Press, 2012.
Sé que el lector espera una reseña acerca del libro Sex and World Peace de Valerie M. Hudson, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Mary Caprioli y Chad F. Emmet, pero, primero, permítame contarle un poco acerca de mí. Soy una joven mexicana que, como el resto, disfruta de derechos humanos consagrados en la ley suprema de mi país y en los tratados internacionales que ha ratificado. Por ende, no solo de facto soy un ser humano poseedor de garantías inalienables, sino que mi Estado ha jurado su protección. No obstante, día a día, vivo y compruebo las deficiencias de las autoridades para preservar lo más básico a mi persona y lo esencial a mi existencia. Salgo a la calle y salgo con miedo, porque no hay nada que asegure que voy a regresar. En esta nación democrática, laica, representativa y popular, una cultura machista ejerce violencia sobre mi alma, las doctrinas religiosas y su intolerancia deciden sobre mi cuerpo, y las instituciones son planeadas para acallar mi voz y mi voto. No me pida que me tranquilice, pues me siento indefensa: quiero cambiar un mundo que parece haber olvidado a la mujer. Sin embargo, heme aquí —acabado de leer Sex and World Peace— con mis esperanzas restauradas: he descubierto que no estamos solas y que esta realidad muta (y nosotros con ella).
Ahora bien, estoy segura de que el lector se preguntará porqué hago una afirmación tan contundente acerca de nuestras vidas, de la que muchos filósofos (dado que rara vez se escuchan nombres propios de mujer) han dedicado su trayectoria a resolver. Pues bien, Hudson, Caprioli, Baliff-Spanvill y Emmet forman un grupo multidisciplinario de dos politólogas, una psicóloga y un geógrafo, respectivamente, que descubrieron una laguna en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales: el estudio de la seguridad internacional —y nacional— no considera variables y factores de género —y de la mujer— dentro de su metodología. La investigación de cómo lograr la paz mundial se enfoca en resolver conflictos ideológicos, políticos y económicos, pero no en la diferencia abismal entre los géneros humanos. Las naciones (y sus estudiosos) parecen olvidar que su seguridad también depende de lo que les sucede a las mujeres. Así, los expertos en género, seguridad, paz, violencia interpersonal y relaciones internacionales buscan que observemos con una perspectiva más amplia los asuntos globales, y que adoptemos una posición crítica y preguntemos ¿dónde están las mujeres?
En cuanto a su estructura y contenido, Sex and World Peace se constituye de siete capítulos de un arduo estudio cualitativo y cuantitativo, y de dos apéndices con tablas y mapas para profundizar el análisis. El primer capítulo, “Roots of National and International Relations”, está dirigido a los estudiantes de Relaciones Internacionales. En él se discuten teorías clásicas, pero desde un punto de vista de género y de sexo. Entonces, se mencionan ejemplos como la restricción reproductiva, crisis económicas (como la del 2008) y de salud (como la del síndrome de inmunodeficiencia adquirida), el choque de civilizaciones, la teoría de la paz democrática, entre otros.
En el segundo apartado, “What Is There to See, and Why Aren’t We Seeing It?”, los académicos definen el término “microagresión” para mostrar cómo acciones, aparentemente pequeñas e insignificantes, tienen un efecto mariposa e impactan en todos los niveles hasta alcanzar el internacional. Sin atender, estos diminutos tumores (imperceptibles en un inicio) se vuelven cancerígenos. La falta de integridad física y de seguridad de la mujer, la codificación de leyes inequitativas, y la disparidad entre hombres y mujeres en plataformas de discusión y representación son los tres más peligrosos, pues no se puede considerar “saludable” un Estado que descuida a la mitad de su población; al final, la enfermedad corrompe todo el sistema y se desencadena una guerra por sobrevivir entre organismos.
En la tercera sección, “When We Do See the Global Picture, We Are Moved to Ask How This Happened”, los profesores desafían el prejuicio de que las ciencias sociales no tienen cabida en el mundo de los datos duros, pues logran que su argumento se respalde de un cumulo de información procesada rigurosamente: emplean variables y escalas para mapear patrones de la situación de la mujer en todo el mundo. Asimismo, los autores recurren a la teoría de la evolución, ya que confirma la relación entre la seguridad física de la mujer y comportamientos arcaicos de las colectividades humanas.
En la cuarta parte, “The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States”, los investigadores discuten las respuestas que se han dado a la pregunta de cuáles son las raíces del conflicto e inseguridad de los Estados. Unos argumentan que el origen son diferencias civilizatorias, como etnicidad, idioma, religión y disponibilidad de recursos. Otros aseguran que la respuesta yace en el tipo de régimen —democrático o no democrático— del país. Empero, los académicos añaden un factor más a considerar: la equidad de género, pues cuentan con pruebas suficientes para afirmar que el bienestar de la mujer define considerablemente el estatus de un Estado y el equilibrio del escenario internacional.
Aparte, ya identificadas las grandes desigualdades entre el hombre y la mujer, los profesores confrontan la pregunta de cómo eliminarlas y, por tanto, presentan dos aproximaciones: en el capítulo quinto, “Wings of National and International Relations, Part One: Effecting Positive Change Through Top-Down Approaches”, analizan las acciones que se pueden llevar a cabo desde un nivel macro o estatal para estabilizar la situación de la mujer, pues se cuenta con medios —violentos y no violentos— para cambiar las normas sociales. En el sexto apartado, “Wings of National and International Relations, Part Two: Effecting Positive Change Through Bottom-Up Approaches”, los autores llaman a mujeres (y a hombres) a actuar desde sus trincheras, sin esperar que las autoridades cumplan sus promesas vacías, y presentan numerosos ejemplos de cómo podemos cambiar, desde un nivel micro, las circunstancias precarias de la mujer.
Finalmente, en “Taking Wing”, los académicos hacen un breve, pero exhaustivo recuento de lo discutido en su trabajo y concluyen que lo que le sucede a la mujer afecta directamente la seguridad, estabilidad, prosperidad, belicosidad, corrupción, salud, tipo de régimen y, por supuesto, poder de un Estado. De modo que, los autores nos exhortan a reconocer y proceder acorde a la comprensión de que “nunca habrá paz para nuestras naciones a menos que haya paz entre sexos.” Como bien dicen, el conocimiento es poder y actuar, nuestra única alternativa.
Cuando empecé a leer Sex and World Peace, me propuse solo destacar lo importante. Mi libro terminó lleno de subrayados y anotaciones: me atrapó y me generó enojo, tristeza, emoción, interés e impotencia. Su estructura lo hizo fácil de leer y de seguir la línea de argumentación, sus autores lograron hacerlo accesible y fluido. Además, los profesores complementan la información dura con testimoniales de personas involucradas en proyectos y relacionadas con, o afectadas por, la inequidad entre géneros. Los investigadores también proponen posibles soluciones a través de acciones cotidianas (como no ceder ante la presión social, cuestionar aparentes hechos y verdades, pedir ayuda o ayudar a otros) que, una vez arraigadas, crean una realidad distinta. En contraste, si bien el libro reitera planteamientos para remarcar su importancia, en ocasiones resulta un tanto repetitivo.
Queda claro que nuestro mundo es un lugar injusto y despiadado y, personalmente, resiento las heridas causadas por las microagresiones de género. Sin embargo, aún puedo considerarme afortunada: el libro recopila solo algunas historias, pero millones de mujeres son víctimas de situaciones de extrema violencia e inequidad. Por esta razón, si deseamos ser un factor de cambio y no simples espectadores, debemos descubrir las acciones a emprender para lograr una verdadera paz mundial, no solo entre países y credos, sino entre las personas más allá de su género.
September 6, 2020
I have a lot of mixed feelings about this book. On the whole, it provides an overview of the ways in which gender dynamics impact peace and security and top-down and bottom-up approaches to combat these dynamics which perpetuate gender-based violence. What stuck with me the most was the statistical analysis on the security of women in relation to the security of states. That said, there were two repeated issues that I had with the book that made it frustrating to read.
First, the book constantly reverts to assumptions of gender binaries and interchangeably uses sex and gender. The experiences of trans and non-binary folks are erased from this otherwise comprehensive narrative. A more appropriate title for this book would be “Ciswomen and World Peace.” Second, while this book cited many cases of successful top-down and bottom-up strategies that advanced the status of women in the global south lead by these same women, I was frustrated by the constant examples of violence coming largely from Islamic countries. Although this book critiques the gendered practices of many countries across the globe, including those of the United States and Western Europe, the repeated use of Islamic countries as case studies left me wishing to hear more from the voices of women from these countries, rather than very brief examples from white authors.
Overall, this book makes a compelling case for the importance of combatting gender-based violence and gender inequity while advancing peace and security. That said, in its ambitions to create wide sweeping calls to action at the local and global levels, it marginalized many identities through poor choice of language or lack of nuance when required.
First, the book constantly reverts to assumptions of gender binaries and interchangeably uses sex and gender. The experiences of trans and non-binary folks are erased from this otherwise comprehensive narrative. A more appropriate title for this book would be “Ciswomen and World Peace.” Second, while this book cited many cases of successful top-down and bottom-up strategies that advanced the status of women in the global south lead by these same women, I was frustrated by the constant examples of violence coming largely from Islamic countries. Although this book critiques the gendered practices of many countries across the globe, including those of the United States and Western Europe, the repeated use of Islamic countries as case studies left me wishing to hear more from the voices of women from these countries, rather than very brief examples from white authors.
Overall, this book makes a compelling case for the importance of combatting gender-based violence and gender inequity while advancing peace and security. That said, in its ambitions to create wide sweeping calls to action at the local and global levels, it marginalized many identities through poor choice of language or lack of nuance when required.
July 16, 2020
This book is mostly an academic collection of evidence suggesting that Sex and World Peace are connected from single cases of gendered violence to nationstate-wide fails to protect women and girls. It is structured somewhat like a term paper, starting with definitions, explaining the methodology and presenting the evidence. There are numerous examples from all over the world supporting the claims, even though more examples could have been given. I also don't think that the partly focus on Islam is extremely fruitful, as other religions can be just as problematic.
I didn't really get into the entire statistics thing because I didn't have the concentration span, but the evidence is overwhelming. And yet I'm not surprised. And again and again I am shocked that women only received the right to vote in Switzerland in 1971, and this is just the tip of the iceberg.
My main issue with the book is that it doesn't take queer identities into account, at all. This is a major flaw and I believe that the evidence would be more sinister and dark... Many of the things there, however, apply to queer issues too. The part with concrete ideas how you can make things better can also be applied to more than just women.
4 Stars
I didn't really get into the entire statistics thing because I didn't have the concentration span, but the evidence is overwhelming. And yet I'm not surprised. And again and again I am shocked that women only received the right to vote in Switzerland in 1971, and this is just the tip of the iceberg.
My main issue with the book is that it doesn't take queer identities into account, at all. This is a major flaw and I believe that the evidence would be more sinister and dark... Many of the things there, however, apply to queer issues too. The part with concrete ideas how you can make things better can also be applied to more than just women.
4 Stars
February 15, 2015
After reading a review from Gloria Steinem. I decided to read this book, and frankly I could not put it down. It brought me awareness to the atrocities that still happen throughout the world to women, and also showed that we still even have got a long way to go in the United States. At times necessarily graphic, I was exposed to a part of the world that is still horrific and must be changed so that all can thrive. As the book explains and recommends, humans are not living to their potential because of the suffering and thus the human race is not living at it's potential.
November 22, 2014
A must read for all women and MEN. An eyeopening book about violence against women around the world and how it effects National and International security. It is not just an issue for women but for all human kind. The author uses research to give credibility to her theories and concludes with concrete suggestions for changing the state of the women's lives around the world. Though a long and difficult read at times it is well worth the time and effort to read in its entirety.
February 23, 2015
Wow. What a book. Some parts are very graphic and gave me a stomach ache, but I think it's important that we understand the evils of this world we live in so that we can make a difference for good. This book has broaden my eyes and inspired me to really make a difference with the small things I say and do. I recommend to all citizens of this world.
September 21, 2017
this was very informative. most books that I read with a feminist viewpoint are first hand accounts and stories from survivors. this was the first one I have seen that is almost strictly analytical and boils it down to numbers, which give credence to personal stories.
I also liked how they came at it. both genders are needed, working in harmony for a better world.
3.5
I also liked how they came at it. both genders are needed, working in harmony for a better world.
3.5
November 23, 2016
An important and eye-opening read (especially Chapter 2). We have to empower women around the world if we want to build better communities and stronger international relationships. Sign me up!
The only downside: a few comments about Islam I felt were harsh and one-sided. That was a bummer.
The only downside: a few comments about Islam I felt were harsh and one-sided. That was a bummer.
December 7, 2020
I came to this book through Hudson’s” Bare Branches”, which although not perfect, did leave me intrigued enough as to the relationship between women’s status and stability within a society. These authors seek to flesh out that question.
Although recognizing the limits of statistical correlation in proving causation, the authors show the reader that there is a greater correlation between a state’s stability and the physical security of women in its borders than with either the level of democracy or of wealth, dismissing the idea that improvement in women’s lives will come automatically with economic progress of the nation as a whole.
The authors also address head-on the idea that it is only Islamic countries that are failing women, showing a greater correlation between the state’s stability and unequal family law than with prevalence of Islam, indicating sources other than Sharia law in reducing the status and protection of women in society.
However, while I recognize the need to see the plight of women in more than just statistics, I do think that some, by no means all, of the space dedicated to sharing horrific stories of abuse could have been better employed otherwise.
One point in particular that I hoped to see more of was on the implications made by the wonderful maps showing the variety of progress, or lack thereof, made in women’s status in all the countries of the world.
The authors rightly point out the difference between having laws in the books and their enforcement, another interesting aspect highlighted in these maps. However, some interesting deficiencies in “advanced democracies” left me wanting for more information and analysis.
Nonetheless, the book as a whole was a deeply-researched look into the continuing work that needs to go into elevating women’s status. The authors point out both the advantages and limits of both top-down and bottom-up approaches and call for a mix of both strategies in culturally-competent yet creative ways in order to ensure that all people everywhere flourish.
Although recognizing the limits of statistical correlation in proving causation, the authors show the reader that there is a greater correlation between a state’s stability and the physical security of women in its borders than with either the level of democracy or of wealth, dismissing the idea that improvement in women’s lives will come automatically with economic progress of the nation as a whole.
The authors also address head-on the idea that it is only Islamic countries that are failing women, showing a greater correlation between the state’s stability and unequal family law than with prevalence of Islam, indicating sources other than Sharia law in reducing the status and protection of women in society.
However, while I recognize the need to see the plight of women in more than just statistics, I do think that some, by no means all, of the space dedicated to sharing horrific stories of abuse could have been better employed otherwise.
One point in particular that I hoped to see more of was on the implications made by the wonderful maps showing the variety of progress, or lack thereof, made in women’s status in all the countries of the world.
The authors rightly point out the difference between having laws in the books and their enforcement, another interesting aspect highlighted in these maps. However, some interesting deficiencies in “advanced democracies” left me wanting for more information and analysis.
Nonetheless, the book as a whole was a deeply-researched look into the continuing work that needs to go into elevating women’s status. The authors point out both the advantages and limits of both top-down and bottom-up approaches and call for a mix of both strategies in culturally-competent yet creative ways in order to ensure that all people everywhere flourish.
October 9, 2020
This book is primarily an academic argument for the link between women's security and the security of a nation. The authors repeatedly acknowledge that it is not the only factor but that policy makers must include the well-being of women when making decisions, both in relations with other countries and within a country. The book was incredible. It outlined several of the major injustices faced by women, both from a structural/government level and micro-level of gender violence and what should be done to help these women and therefore help the entire country. While the book seems primarily directed at policy makers, it spoke to me. They outline both bottom-up and top-down approaches to fix the problems. I'm new to this topic so it may just because of that, but they were incredible and some were completely new to me! There was the typical education and no early marriage (something most people, hopefully, already agree will help) but other ideas like having a male and female in all governmental roles.
Every person should read this book; both to understand from a governmental perspective the importance of including the security of women in decisions but also on a personal level. I developed a better understanding of just how hard this world is for most women and the things I can do to help. Read this book right now!!
Every person should read this book; both to understand from a governmental perspective the importance of including the security of women in decisions but also on a personal level. I developed a better understanding of just how hard this world is for most women and the things I can do to help. Read this book right now!!
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