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Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military
Among U.S. allies in the war against terrorism, Pakistan cannot be easily characterized as either friend or foe. Nuclear-armed Pakistan is an important center of radical Islamic ideas and groups. Since 9/11, the selective cooperation of president General Pervez Musharraf in sharing intelligence with the United States and apprehending al Qaeda members has led to the assumption that Pakistan might be ready to give up its longstanding ties with radical Islam. But Pakistan's status as an Islamic ideological state is closely linked with the Pakistani elites' worldview and the praetorian ambitions of its military. This book analyzes the origins of the relationships between Islamist groups and Pakistan's military, and explores the nation's quest for identity and security. Tracing how the military has sought U.S. support by making itself useful for concerns of the moment – while continuing to strengthen the mosque-military alliance within Pakistan – Haqqani offers an alternative view of political developments since the country's independence in 1947.
397 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2005
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About the author
Husain Haqqani
21 books104 followersHusain Haqqani (Urdu: حسین حقّانی; born July 1, 1956), alternately spelled Hussain Haqqani, is a Pakistani political author and the former Pakistan Ambassador to the United States, appointed by Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani in April 2008, marking a return to government service after being exiled in 1999 following criticisms against the government of then-President Pervez Musharraf. Haqqani resigned on November 22, 2011.
Prior to serving as Ambassador to the United States, Haqqani held several high-ranking positions including as adviser to three former Pakistani prime ministers and as envoy to Sri Lanka. In additions, Haqqani had been a prominent journalist, scholar and educator. He is currently a Senior Fellow and Director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C. and co-editor of Hudson's signature journal Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. Haqqani is also the Director of the Center of International Relations and a Professor of the Practice of International Relations at Boston University.
Haqqani was born in Karachi where he was raised in a conservative but educated middle-class family in Malir outside Karachi.
He began his interest in journalism while in high school. In 1973 he joined Karachi University. He would frequently visit the library at the U.S. consulate, reading volumes of American history. Later, when students wanted to attack the consulate as part of a protest against the United States, Haqqani refused.
He received a B.A. degree with distinction in 1977 and an M.A. degree with distinction in international relations in 1980 from the University of Karachi.
In March 2000, he married Farahnaz Ispahani, a former producer at CNN and MSNBC, member of the Pakistani National Assembly, and the granddaughter of Mirza Abol Hassan Ispahani, Pakistan's first ambassador to Washington. The Pakistan Ambassador's residence in Washington was purchased and donated by her grandfather.
He has lived in the United States since 2002, and is a fan of Thomas Jefferson and the Boston Red Sox.
Prior to serving as Ambassador to the United States, Haqqani held several high-ranking positions including as adviser to three former Pakistani prime ministers and as envoy to Sri Lanka. In additions, Haqqani had been a prominent journalist, scholar and educator. He is currently a Senior Fellow and Director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C. and co-editor of Hudson's signature journal Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. Haqqani is also the Director of the Center of International Relations and a Professor of the Practice of International Relations at Boston University.
Haqqani was born in Karachi where he was raised in a conservative but educated middle-class family in Malir outside Karachi.
He began his interest in journalism while in high school. In 1973 he joined Karachi University. He would frequently visit the library at the U.S. consulate, reading volumes of American history. Later, when students wanted to attack the consulate as part of a protest against the United States, Haqqani refused.
He received a B.A. degree with distinction in 1977 and an M.A. degree with distinction in international relations in 1980 from the University of Karachi.
In March 2000, he married Farahnaz Ispahani, a former producer at CNN and MSNBC, member of the Pakistani National Assembly, and the granddaughter of Mirza Abol Hassan Ispahani, Pakistan's first ambassador to Washington. The Pakistan Ambassador's residence in Washington was purchased and donated by her grandfather.
He has lived in the United States since 2002, and is a fan of Thomas Jefferson and the Boston Red Sox.
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April 24, 2021
4.5 Stars
Government officials have not only used Islam to unify the multi-ethnic and multi-lingual Pakistani state but they have also used it to reinforce Pakistani identity in opposition to India's predominately Hindu population. Conflict with neighbouring India has mainly benefited the Pakistani military which has used its exalted status to play a decisive role in government policy even during periods of civilian rule.
Pakistan became the first country to use 'Islamic Republic' in its constitutional name. Maulana Maudidi's followers credited their leader's influence for this achievement, since then Jamaat-e-Islami has emerged as Pakistan's most well organized and internally visible religious party although the number of its followers as a proportion of the total population have remained small.
The rise to power of the civil military complex ended the process of political bargaining in defining the direction of Pakistan.
During 1965 war, the political force in West Pakistan, PPP was unwilling to stand up to the military over atrocities in East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Bhutto wanted to retain good relations with the ruling generals so that his chances of coming to power in the Western wing were not jeopardized. The secession of East Bengal with Indian military assistance strengthened the political role of Islam in Pakistan.
Bhutto became the President only after he accepted that there would be no political interference in the armed forces. The military as an institution needed a popular civilian leader to pick up the pieces after Pakistan's breakup. By allowing Bhutto to come to power, they focused on the political debate on Bhutto's rule in breaking up the country by failing to reach accommodation with Mujib-ur-Rahman.
The military operation of effecting Zia-ul-Haq's coup dètat after dismissing Bhutto was codenamed 'Operation Fairplay' to indicate that its purpose was to facilitate disengagement between waring political factionsans and ensure free elections.
The elections never happened and Zia became immensely popular with the USA for his support against the Soviets in Afghanistan. To curb the propaganda of Pashtunishtan, Pakistan army undertook a large scale counterinsurgency operation killing hundreds of Balochis and soldiers alike.
After Zia's mysterious death, BB came into power which was predominantly criticized by Nawaz Sharif (Zia's stooge) on two levels:
1. He worked with Islamist parties in questioning her ideological credentials
2. Unleashed provincial sentiment among Punjabis who resented her for being a Sindhi.
Twice her government was toppled on corruption charges and also because like her father she wanted to control the military's power.
ISI Chief along with the President and PM form a Trioka - an extraconsitutional arrangement for civilian military consensus building on key domestic, foreign policy and security issues. The Troika meets periodically, senior military and civilian officers are summoned to give briefings relating to the issues under discussion.
The Army Chief also holds meetings separately with the President and PM on political and security affairs. A smooth interaction among the Troika members ensures the military's support for the PM which contributes to general political stability.
The immediate price Musharraf paid to qualify for US support in September 2001 was to end Pakistan's support for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The military's desire to dominate the political system and define Pakistan's national security priorities has been the most significant if not the only factor in encouraging an ideological paradigm for Pakistan.
The alliance between mosque and military maintains and sometimes exaggerates the psycho-political fears and helps both the Islamists and the Generals in their exercise of political power.
Pakistan's relations with US have been part of the Pakistani military's tripod that emphasized Islam as a national unifier, rivalry with India as the principal objective of the state's foreign policy and an alliance with US as a means to defray the costs of Pakistan's massive military expenditures.
The US has sought short-term gains from its relationship with Pakistan inadvertently accentuating the country's problems in the process. Pakistan's civil and military elite on the other hand must understand that how their three part paradigm for state and nation building has led Pakistan from one disaster to the next.
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Government officials have not only used Islam to unify the multi-ethnic and multi-lingual Pakistani state but they have also used it to reinforce Pakistani identity in opposition to India's predominately Hindu population. Conflict with neighbouring India has mainly benefited the Pakistani military which has used its exalted status to play a decisive role in government policy even during periods of civilian rule.
Pakistan became the first country to use 'Islamic Republic' in its constitutional name. Maulana Maudidi's followers credited their leader's influence for this achievement, since then Jamaat-e-Islami has emerged as Pakistan's most well organized and internally visible religious party although the number of its followers as a proportion of the total population have remained small.
The rise to power of the civil military complex ended the process of political bargaining in defining the direction of Pakistan.
During 1965 war, the political force in West Pakistan, PPP was unwilling to stand up to the military over atrocities in East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Bhutto wanted to retain good relations with the ruling generals so that his chances of coming to power in the Western wing were not jeopardized. The secession of East Bengal with Indian military assistance strengthened the political role of Islam in Pakistan.
Bhutto became the President only after he accepted that there would be no political interference in the armed forces. The military as an institution needed a popular civilian leader to pick up the pieces after Pakistan's breakup. By allowing Bhutto to come to power, they focused on the political debate on Bhutto's rule in breaking up the country by failing to reach accommodation with Mujib-ur-Rahman.
The military operation of effecting Zia-ul-Haq's coup dètat after dismissing Bhutto was codenamed 'Operation Fairplay' to indicate that its purpose was to facilitate disengagement between waring political factionsans and ensure free elections.
The elections never happened and Zia became immensely popular with the USA for his support against the Soviets in Afghanistan. To curb the propaganda of Pashtunishtan, Pakistan army undertook a large scale counterinsurgency operation killing hundreds of Balochis and soldiers alike.
After Zia's mysterious death, BB came into power which was predominantly criticized by Nawaz Sharif (Zia's stooge) on two levels:
1. He worked with Islamist parties in questioning her ideological credentials
2. Unleashed provincial sentiment among Punjabis who resented her for being a Sindhi.
Twice her government was toppled on corruption charges and also because like her father she wanted to control the military's power.
ISI Chief along with the President and PM form a Trioka - an extraconsitutional arrangement for civilian military consensus building on key domestic, foreign policy and security issues. The Troika meets periodically, senior military and civilian officers are summoned to give briefings relating to the issues under discussion.
The Army Chief also holds meetings separately with the President and PM on political and security affairs. A smooth interaction among the Troika members ensures the military's support for the PM which contributes to general political stability.
The immediate price Musharraf paid to qualify for US support in September 2001 was to end Pakistan's support for the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The military's desire to dominate the political system and define Pakistan's national security priorities has been the most significant if not the only factor in encouraging an ideological paradigm for Pakistan.
The alliance between mosque and military maintains and sometimes exaggerates the psycho-political fears and helps both the Islamists and the Generals in their exercise of political power.
Pakistan's relations with US have been part of the Pakistani military's tripod that emphasized Islam as a national unifier, rivalry with India as the principal objective of the state's foreign policy and an alliance with US as a means to defray the costs of Pakistan's massive military expenditures.
The US has sought short-term gains from its relationship with Pakistan inadvertently accentuating the country's problems in the process. Pakistan's civil and military elite on the other hand must understand that how their three part paradigm for state and nation building has led Pakistan from one disaster to the next.
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December 9, 2017
A timely read, given the recently upheld of capital by a religious mob. It helped me understands these recent events as well as a decade back the affairs with Taliban.
people tracing back roots of religious fundamentalism often stop at Zia ul Haq's efforts for Islamization of state. They term it as starting point of support of fundamentalists and inflow of drugs and weapons to Pakistan which in later years proved to be lethal for Pakistan. Here Mr. Haqqani went beyond that and argued that this Mullah-Military romance started from the very beginning soon after independence, attributing this to the policy of Muslim league to play religion card and giving a vague picture of the new state.
The role of US all along is disappointing .and more shameful is the role of prominent political leaders like ZA Bhutto for simply carrying out the agenda of mullah-military complex This book personally made me nihilistic about Pakistani politics. And my belief ,that democratic government can change the policies which have deeply harmed us , is badly shattered.
A well written insightful book . Will recommend to anyone interested in understanding relations between mosque and military
people tracing back roots of religious fundamentalism often stop at Zia ul Haq's efforts for Islamization of state. They term it as starting point of support of fundamentalists and inflow of drugs and weapons to Pakistan which in later years proved to be lethal for Pakistan. Here Mr. Haqqani went beyond that and argued that this Mullah-Military romance started from the very beginning soon after independence, attributing this to the policy of Muslim league to play religion card and giving a vague picture of the new state.
The role of US all along is disappointing .and more shameful is the role of prominent political leaders like ZA Bhutto for simply carrying out the agenda of mullah-military complex This book personally made me nihilistic about Pakistani politics. And my belief ,that democratic government can change the policies which have deeply harmed us , is badly shattered.
A well written insightful book . Will recommend to anyone interested in understanding relations between mosque and military
June 15, 2017
A very well written book. It is actually a must read for anyone trying to understand the nuances and forces at play within Pakistan. The author has taken lot of pains to research and explain the events which have made the country a hotbed of Jehadism today. It also explains how difficult it is for Pak to now turn its course, and possibly its destiny as well. All major flashpoints since creation of Pak have been described lucidly. The fact that the author was an ambassador of Pakistan to US lends a lot of credibility to the arguments made in the book.
The author says that Pakistan stands on a tripod of Islam, hatred for India and foreign help. As is obvious, these three things are insufficient for any nation prosper. This has been the situation in the country ever since its creation in 1947, which effectively implies that the country hasn't matured at all in the last seventy odd years and has been moving from one crisis to another, most of them having been created by its own govt and military. All these crisis have been discussed quite clearly and simply in the book.
Just one small observation that the issue of Balochistan should've been discussed a little more than it has been to give us a clearer picture of the problems existing in the region.
The author says that Pakistan stands on a tripod of Islam, hatred for India and foreign help. As is obvious, these three things are insufficient for any nation prosper. This has been the situation in the country ever since its creation in 1947, which effectively implies that the country hasn't matured at all in the last seventy odd years and has been moving from one crisis to another, most of them having been created by its own govt and military. All these crisis have been discussed quite clearly and simply in the book.
Just one small observation that the issue of Balochistan should've been discussed a little more than it has been to give us a clearer picture of the problems existing in the region.
February 27, 2020
Basically, the book sheds lights on the mainstream political history of Pakistan with a unique emphasis on relationship between Mosque and Military - Generals and Mulahs; Pakistani power groups and their interactions with each other. The book is very well researched, with several interesting insights and facts I didn't know about before i.e. the ISI's active interest in Afghanistan which began in 1973, 6 years before the USSR's invasion, Benazir's foreign policy during her first tenure, being largely curtailed by the army, it were the army generals that encouraged militant groups to operate as an instrument of Pakistan's foreign policy.
The author is correct in saying that the military, with it's record of ruling Pakistan for more than half of its history, is the main problem. In the democratic phase between 1988 and 1999, the military generals continued to indirectly rule Pakistan, as the Afghan policy, Kashmir policy and the Nuclear program were strictly under the preview of the army.
The negative point of the book is, at times, it feels like a boring chronology book, specially towards the end chapters. The insights are interesting, but the plot is poorly structured.
The author is correct in saying that the military, with it's record of ruling Pakistan for more than half of its history, is the main problem. In the democratic phase between 1988 and 1999, the military generals continued to indirectly rule Pakistan, as the Afghan policy, Kashmir policy and the Nuclear program were strictly under the preview of the army.
The negative point of the book is, at times, it feels like a boring chronology book, specially towards the end chapters. The insights are interesting, but the plot is poorly structured.
November 25, 2020
An excellent book, comprehensive and profound.
The book is all about Pakistan, it covers all the history of Pakistan from the its independence to the 2000s, Hussain haqqni presents a unique history, the book profoundly outlines the nexus between military and mosque in the politics of Pak, it talks a little about the ideology of Pak, and the background of the creation of Pakistan, then it talks about the military rules in Pakistan, how the military has ruled Pakistan in half of its history, it discusses the Four military coup in details.
1. Ayub Khan (1956-1969)
2. Yahya Khan 1969-1971)
3. Zia ul haq (1977-88)
4. Parvez Musharraf
The book is based on facts and figured, author has quoted significantly, this is one of the most authentic book, it is meticulous in its contents, it tells in detail how the East Pakistan separated, what was its reasons and causes, it also talks about the Rise and fall of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a secular leader, compromised during his rule, and those very causes become the downfall of Bhutto, first getting fired and later executed.
The book also covers very important but very damaging years of Pak during the reign of Zia ul haq, it was the time when Pak became an Islamic state, the radicalization of different religious groups, the talibanization of Pakistan, the effect of this regime were so wide and horrifying that we are still unable to get out of this radicalization, hatred, intolerance from our society.
In the last part book discusses the Time of Pervez Musharraf, he was an army chief of Pak in 1999 during the Nawaz Shariff government, military at that time played their game without consulting the govt, which is the norm in Pak politics, in the battles of kargil which military initiated, Nawaz Shariff was called on by the then Us president, he scolded Pm Pak, about the carelessness and irresponsible behavior of Pak, he said that the war between the two nuclear power was so close to be escalate, Nawaz Shariff came home, tried to fire Musharraf, but military taken its own course, entered the pm house, announced the another Coup de'tat in Pakistan history, the fourth in his short history. Musharraf ruled from 1999-2007.
The book is all about Pakistan, it covers all the history of Pakistan from the its independence to the 2000s, Hussain haqqni presents a unique history, the book profoundly outlines the nexus between military and mosque in the politics of Pak, it talks a little about the ideology of Pak, and the background of the creation of Pakistan, then it talks about the military rules in Pakistan, how the military has ruled Pakistan in half of its history, it discusses the Four military coup in details.
1. Ayub Khan (1956-1969)
2. Yahya Khan 1969-1971)
3. Zia ul haq (1977-88)
4. Parvez Musharraf
The book is based on facts and figured, author has quoted significantly, this is one of the most authentic book, it is meticulous in its contents, it tells in detail how the East Pakistan separated, what was its reasons and causes, it also talks about the Rise and fall of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a secular leader, compromised during his rule, and those very causes become the downfall of Bhutto, first getting fired and later executed.
The book also covers very important but very damaging years of Pak during the reign of Zia ul haq, it was the time when Pak became an Islamic state, the radicalization of different religious groups, the talibanization of Pakistan, the effect of this regime were so wide and horrifying that we are still unable to get out of this radicalization, hatred, intolerance from our society.
In the last part book discusses the Time of Pervez Musharraf, he was an army chief of Pak in 1999 during the Nawaz Shariff government, military at that time played their game without consulting the govt, which is the norm in Pak politics, in the battles of kargil which military initiated, Nawaz Shariff was called on by the then Us president, he scolded Pm Pak, about the carelessness and irresponsible behavior of Pak, he said that the war between the two nuclear power was so close to be escalate, Nawaz Shariff came home, tried to fire Musharraf, but military taken its own course, entered the pm house, announced the another Coup de'tat in Pakistan history, the fourth in his short history. Musharraf ruled from 1999-2007.
July 2, 2016
The former Pakistani ambassador to the United States (08-11), Haqqani makes a convincing case confirming some of the fears of the US, and convictions of the Indians over, at least, the last couple of decades. That Pakistani political affairs are dominated entirely by its military, which rules on what Haqqani calls a tripod of policy aims:
1) Pan-islamism and islamization as a means of justifying the existence of Pakistan and seeking leverage in the Muslim world.
2) Anti-India aggression as a means of mobilizing the population and supporting the constant threat narrative of Pakistan which allows continued military domination of the country.
3) Economic and military development sought through foreign aid, primarily that of the US, by using them as an ally of convenience and hoodwinking support while often acting diametrically opposite to US interest.
Husain Haqqani goes beyond the usual analysis that starts with Zia's regime and the Afghan war and makes the convincing claim that the policy tripod has existed ever since the '47 partition and the military-mosque alliance (created by the Military by overtly and covertly supporting, initially the Jamaat e Islam and later a wide host of Islamist groups) has helped give the military an appearance of guardianship of Islam and a veneer of legitimacy (despite the lack of popular support for the hardline Islamist parties, which have never even come close to achieving legislative majority despite massive military support).
Haqqani concludes that Pakistan's future lies in its shift of direction from ideological to functional state, successful parliamentary democracy and abandonment of the policy tripod of seeking military confrontation with India, aid from the US, and political progress through Islam.
Haqqani, a PPP appointee, appears to have a pro-Benazir bias (never overt) but one that he does not twist facts to support and indeed one that is quite justifiable. His extensive indictment of the ISI does, however, occasionally (quite rarely, though, to be fair) descend into what can only be described as convincing conspiracy theory.
All in all, an excellent analysis. Highly recommended.
1) Pan-islamism and islamization as a means of justifying the existence of Pakistan and seeking leverage in the Muslim world.
2) Anti-India aggression as a means of mobilizing the population and supporting the constant threat narrative of Pakistan which allows continued military domination of the country.
3) Economic and military development sought through foreign aid, primarily that of the US, by using them as an ally of convenience and hoodwinking support while often acting diametrically opposite to US interest.
Husain Haqqani goes beyond the usual analysis that starts with Zia's regime and the Afghan war and makes the convincing claim that the policy tripod has existed ever since the '47 partition and the military-mosque alliance (created by the Military by overtly and covertly supporting, initially the Jamaat e Islam and later a wide host of Islamist groups) has helped give the military an appearance of guardianship of Islam and a veneer of legitimacy (despite the lack of popular support for the hardline Islamist parties, which have never even come close to achieving legislative majority despite massive military support).
Haqqani concludes that Pakistan's future lies in its shift of direction from ideological to functional state, successful parliamentary democracy and abandonment of the policy tripod of seeking military confrontation with India, aid from the US, and political progress through Islam.
Haqqani, a PPP appointee, appears to have a pro-Benazir bias (never overt) but one that he does not twist facts to support and indeed one that is quite justifiable. His extensive indictment of the ISI does, however, occasionally (quite rarely, though, to be fair) descend into what can only be described as convincing conspiracy theory.
All in all, an excellent analysis. Highly recommended.
August 7, 2015
A good roudup of the role of Pakistan's military in shaping up Pakistan's politics,ideology and even it's problem. The book is somewhat surprising when it links Pakistan military's support for militant groups/Jihadists (in Afghanistan, for instance) to a recurreing pattern that has been used by them since the inception of Pakistan. The book is slightly biased towards a pro-PPP stance, but even then is an interesting read and makes many end smeet.
October 21, 2021
Book: Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military
Author: Husain Haqqani
Publisher: Viking; Latest Edition (29 February 2016)
Language: English
Hardcover: 464 pages
Item Weight: 710 g
Dimensions: 20 x 14 x 4 cm
Price: 709/-
একটি হেরে যাওয়া , Failed, অবমানিত রাষ্ট্রের ইতিহাস বলছে এই বইটি , বুঝলেন দাদারা।
তিনটি 'A' - আল্লাহ, আর্মি ও অ্যামেরিকার মদদপুষ্ট এক ফর্মেশনের ইতিহাস বলছে এই বইটা।
এ এক অদ্ভুত দেশের ইতিহাস। লেখক পুলটিস পরানোর যথাসাধ্য চেষ্টা করেছেন।
আটটি চ্যাপ্টারে বইটি বিভক্ত :
১) Introduction: Identity and Ideology
২) Defending Ideological Frontiers
৩) Old and New Pakistan
৪) From Islamic Republic to Islamic State
৫) Afghan Jihad
৬) Military Rule by Other Means
৭) Jihad without Borders
৮) Conclusion: From Ideological to Functional State
লেখক প্রথমেই অ্যাপোলোজি মেরেছেন :
আল কোরানে (৪৯:১১)। বলা হয়েছে, তোমাদের জন্য তোমাদের ধর্ম এবং আমার জন্য আমার ধর্ম। লেখা আছে: তোমার প্রভু যদি ইচ্ছা করতেন, তা হলে পৃথিবীর সমস্ত মানুষই (ইসলামে) বিশ্বাসী হত, তবে কি তুমি মানুষকে ধর্মের পথে আনবার জন্য তার ওপর বলপ্রয়োগ করতে যাবে?
৬৩২ খ্রিস্টাব্দে ১৯ মার্চ আরাফত ময়দানে শেষ ভাষণে পবিত্র হজরত মহম্মদ বলেছিলেন, ধর্মের সম্পর্কে কেউ বাড়াবাড়ি করবে না।
আচ্ছা ? মোহাম্মদ বাড়াবাড়ি করেননি ? ওকে। ভালো কথা।
স্রেফ এই বাড়াবাড়ির জন্য বহু জাতি ধ্বংস হয়ে গেছে। তবু অভিজিৎ রায় নামক এক সাধারণ মানুষকে ধর্মরক্ষার নামে বাড়াবাড়ি করে ‘বলপ্রয়োগ’-এর মাধ্যমে ধর্মের অভিভাবক সেজে নৃশংস ভাবে হত্যা করেছে একদল অসভ্য বর্বর ধর্ম-ব্যবসায়ী সাম্প্রদায়িক।
এগুলো বাদ দেওয়া যাক আপাতত।
এরপর আর্মিতে আসা যাক।
ইতিহাস সাক্ষী যে ঠান্ডা যুদ্ধের সময়ে মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের দরাজ সহায়তায় বিশ্বের নানা প্রান্তে স্বৈরতন্ত্রী শাসন তৈরি হয়। গত তিন দশকে সেখানে বদল ঘটেছে?
সামরিক বাহিনীর নিয়ন্ত্রণ গভীর থাকলেও নিয়ন্ত্রণের চরিত্রটা পাল্টেছে কী ?
‘পাক সামরিক বাহিনী’ বলতে আমরা বুঝি একটাই এস্টাবলিশমেন্ট। আগে পাকিস্তানে যখন ‘সামরিক দখল’ ঘটেছে, পুরো বাহিনী অংশ নেয়নি, বাহিনীর একটা অংশের জন্যই দখল অভিযান হয়েছে।
১৯৫৮’য় আয়ুব খানের মার্শাল ল’-র সময়ে তাঁর সহচর গোষ্ঠীই কাজটা করেন, গোটা বাহিনী যুক্ত ছিল না।
পাক সামরিক বাহিনীও অনেক পরিবর্তনের মধ্য দিয়ে এসেছে। পারভেজ মুশারফ প্রেসিডেন্ট হওয়ার আগে পরিস্থিতি যে রকম ছিল, এখন তা নেই। সেনাবাহিনীও বুঝেছে যে দেশ হিসেবে পাকিস্তান যথেষ্ট জটিল। একটা পার্টনারশিপ দরকার, অসামরিক ও সামরিক ক্ষমতার পার্টনারশিপ।
মিলিটারি নিয়ন্ত্রণ এখনও রয়েছে, পরিস্থিতি না পাল্টালে ভবিষ্যতেও থাকবে। কিন্তু তার মানে এই নয় যে, সেই নিয়ন্ত্রণের প্রকৃতি আগের মতোই আছে। এখনও পাকিস্তান জুড়ে অনেক দুর্নীতি। রাজনীতির নামে বহু ভণ্ডামি।
পাকিস্তানের রাজনীতিতে একটা গুরুত্বপূর্ণ শিক্ষা এসেছে ২০০৮ সালে। রাজনীতিকরা, সামরিক নেতারাও, সকলেই বুঝতে পেরেছেন যে ক্ষমতার একটা সীমা থাকে। সেটাকে যত ইচ্ছা প্রসারিত করা যায় না।
করলে উল্টো সংকট তৈরি হয়।
একটা কমপ্রোমাইজ প্রয়োজন।
পাক রাজনৈতিক এস্টাবলিশমেন্ট এখন জানে যে, নিজেদের রাজনৈতিক সংঘর্ষকে এমন বিন্দুতে নিয়ে যাওয়া উচিত হবে না যেখানে মিলিটারি হস্তক্ষেপ অবধারিত হয়, আর তাদের অস্তিত্বই বিপন্ন হয়ে দাঁড়ায়।
সামরিক বাহিনীও জানে যে, চালকের আসনে না বসে তাদের বসতে হবে চালকের পিছনের আসনে। গণতন্ত্রের জন্য এটাই প্রাথমিক শিক্ষা।
প্রথম সিঁড়ি।
ইমরান খানের আন্দোলনের সময়ে রাজনীতির প্রকাশ্য মঞ্চে সামরিক বাহিনীর ঢুকে পড়ার সম্ভাবনা দেখা দিয়েছিল। বিরোধী দলগুলি সেটা কিছুতেই হতে দেয়নি, তারা পাকিস্তান তেহরিক-ই-ইনসাফ-এর পাশে দাঁড়াতে রাজি হয়নি!
তারপর পরিস্থিতি বদলালো। ইম্মি খান ক্ষমতায় এলো। আল্লাহ ও অ্যামেরিকা সমর্থন করলো।
গোটাটাই একটা প্রক্রিয়া।
আর্মি জানতো যে প্রক্রিয়াটা চালু রাখতে হবে। পাকিস্তানের বড় শহরে কিংবা মফস্সলে, প্রশাসনিক প্রতিষ্ঠানগুলিতে সব দুর্নীতি, স্বজনপোষণ সত্ত্বেও প্রতিষ্ঠানগুলি এক রকম ভাবে চলকটা লাগলো।
লেখক এই বইয়ের শেষে এক্কেবারে পয়গম্বর স্টাইলে বলেছেন : "যে কোনও ডিভাইসিভ, এক্সক্লুশনারি, মেজরিটারিয়ান রাজনীতি ইনক্লুসিভ সংস্কৃতির অন্তরায়। দরকার সকলকে নিয়ে মুক্ত আনন্দের সৃষ্টিশীল পরিবেশ।
পরাজিতের বিষণ্ণতাবোধ থেকে সংস্কৃতির পাঠ লাভ হয় না। দরকার বহু স্বরের বহু স্তরের আনন্দের উপলব্ধি।"
আরও এক কদম এগিয়ে উনি বললেন একটি অনিন্দ্যসুন্দর গল্প। উনি বললেন:
"রক্ত, জিঘাংসা, প্রতিহিংসা কি কোথাও পৌঁছে দেবে আমাদের? অসহিষ্ণুতার বিরুদ্ধে ছিলেন পবিত্র মহম্মদ।
ক্ষমা করেছিলেন প্রিয় সাহাবির কলিজা ভক্ষণকারী মহিলা হিন্দাহকে। হজরত মহম্মদকে হত্যা করবেন বলে প্রতিজ্ঞা করেছিলেন আরবের প্রসিদ্ধ কবি কাব।
একদিন কাব চলছিলেন হজরত মহম্মদের বিরুদ্ধে হত্যার উদ্দেশ্য নিয়ে লেখা কবিতা পড়তে পড়তে।
শব্দচয়ন আর গীতমাধুর্যে মুগ্ধ হয়ে কবিতার বিষয়বস্তুর কথা না ভেবে হজরত মহম্মদ নিজের পরিহিত শাসকের শিরোভূষণ পরিয়ে দেন কবি কাবের মাথায়। কাব বিস্মিত হয়ে যান। ইসলাম ধর্ম গ্রহণ করেন।"
আমি , Debanjôn Mükherjee , Debasmit Ganda, Chayan Mukherjee, Nilanjit Chakraborty ও ভাতৃপ্রতিম Pinak Biswas বাবুকে নিয়ে ইছলাম গ্রহণ করবো। মানুবতা মুতবো চিরন্তন।
আর কাউকে না পেলে অন্তত হোমোপ্যাল Debanjôn Mükherjee ও Pinak Biswas কে নিয়ে বৃহদারন্যক উপনিষদের ১/৪/১৪ সোৎসাহে বলবো:
সর্বে ভবন্তু সুখিন,
সর্বে সন্তু নিরাময়া,
সর্বে ভদ্রানি পশ্যন্তু,
মা কশ্চিদ দুঃখ মাপ্নুয়াত,
ওম শান্তি শান্তি শান্তি।
Grab a copy, if you choose.
Author: Husain Haqqani
Publisher: Viking; Latest Edition (29 February 2016)
Language: English
Hardcover: 464 pages
Item Weight: 710 g
Dimensions: 20 x 14 x 4 cm
Price: 709/-
একটি হেরে যাওয়া , Failed, অবমানিত রাষ্ট্রের ইতিহাস বলছে এই বইটি , বুঝলেন দাদারা।
তিনটি 'A' - আল্লাহ, আর্মি ও অ্যামেরিকার মদদপুষ্ট এক ফর্মেশনের ইতিহাস বলছে এই বইটা।
এ এক অদ্ভুত দেশের ইতিহাস। লেখক পুলটিস পরানোর যথাসাধ্য চেষ্টা করেছেন।
আটটি চ্যাপ্টারে বইটি বিভক্ত :
১) Introduction: Identity and Ideology
২) Defending Ideological Frontiers
৩) Old and New Pakistan
৪) From Islamic Republic to Islamic State
৫) Afghan Jihad
৬) Military Rule by Other Means
৭) Jihad without Borders
৮) Conclusion: From Ideological to Functional State
লেখক প্রথমেই অ্যাপোলোজি মেরেছেন :
আল কোরানে (৪৯:১১)। বলা হয়েছে, তোমাদের জন্য তোমাদের ধর্ম এবং আমার জন্য আমার ধর্ম। লেখা আছে: তোমার প্রভু যদি ইচ্ছা করতেন, তা হলে পৃথিবীর সমস্ত মানুষই (ইসলামে) বিশ্বাসী হত, তবে কি তুমি মানুষকে ধর্মের পথে আনবার জন্য তার ওপর বলপ্রয়োগ করতে যাবে?
৬৩২ খ্রিস্টাব্দে ১৯ মার্চ আরাফত ময়দানে শেষ ভাষণে পবিত্র হজরত মহম্মদ বলেছিলেন, ধর্মের সম্পর্কে কেউ বাড়াবাড়ি করবে না।
আচ্ছা ? মোহাম্মদ বাড়াবাড়ি করেননি ? ওকে। ভালো কথা।
স্রেফ এই বাড়াবাড়ির জন্য বহু জাতি ধ্বংস হয়ে গেছে। তবু অভিজিৎ রায় নামক এক সাধারণ মানুষকে ধর্মরক্ষার নামে বাড়াবাড়ি করে ‘বলপ্রয়োগ’-এর মাধ্যমে ধর্মের অভিভাবক সেজে নৃশংস ভাবে হত্যা করেছে একদল অসভ্য বর্বর ধর্ম-ব্যবসায়ী সাম্প্রদায়িক।
এগুলো বাদ দেওয়া যাক আপাতত।
এরপর আর্মিতে আসা যাক।
ইতিহাস সাক্ষী যে ঠান্ডা যুদ্ধের সময়ে মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের দরাজ সহায়তায় বিশ্বের নানা প্রান্তে স্বৈরতন্ত্রী শাসন তৈরি হয়। গত তিন দশকে সেখানে বদল ঘটেছে?
সামরিক বাহিনীর নিয়ন্ত্রণ গভীর থাকলেও নিয়ন্ত্রণের চরিত্রটা পাল্টেছে কী ?
‘পাক সামরিক বাহিনী’ বলতে আমরা বুঝি একটাই এস্টাবলিশমেন্ট। আগে পাকিস্তানে যখন ‘সামরিক দখল’ ঘটেছে, পুরো বাহিনী অংশ নেয়নি, বাহিনীর একটা অংশের জন্যই দখল অভিযান হয়েছে।
১৯৫৮’য় আয়ুব খানের মার্শাল ল’-র সময়ে তাঁর সহচর গোষ্ঠীই কাজটা করেন, গোটা বাহিনী যুক্ত ছিল না।
পাক সামরিক বাহিনীও অনেক পরিবর্তনের মধ্য দিয়ে এসেছে। পারভেজ মুশারফ প্রেসিডেন্ট হওয়ার আগে পরিস্থিতি যে রকম ছিল, এখন তা নেই। সেনাবাহিনীও বুঝেছে যে দেশ হিসেবে পাকিস্তান যথেষ্ট জটিল। একটা পার্টনারশিপ দরকার, অসামরিক ও সামরিক ক্ষমতার পার্টনারশিপ।
মিলিটারি নিয়ন্ত্রণ এখনও রয়েছে, পরিস্থিতি না পাল্টালে ভবিষ্যতেও থাকবে। কিন্তু তার মানে এই নয় যে, সেই নিয়ন্ত্রণের প্রকৃতি আগের মতোই আছে। এখনও পাকিস্তান জুড়ে অনেক দুর্নীতি। রাজনীতির নামে বহু ভণ্ডামি।
পাকিস্তানের রাজনীতিতে একটা গুরুত্বপূর্ণ শিক্ষা এসেছে ২০০৮ সালে। রাজনীতিকরা, সামরিক নেতারাও, সকলেই বুঝতে পেরেছেন যে ক্ষমতার একটা সীমা থাকে। সেটাকে যত ইচ্ছা প্রসারিত করা যায় না।
করলে উল্টো সংকট তৈরি হয়।
একটা কমপ্রোমাইজ প্রয়োজন।
পাক রাজনৈতিক এস্টাবলিশমেন্ট এখন জানে যে, নিজেদের রাজনৈতিক সংঘর্ষকে এমন বিন্দুতে নিয়ে যাওয়া উচিত হবে না যেখানে মিলিটারি হস্তক্ষেপ অবধারিত হয়, আর তাদের অস্তিত্বই বিপন্ন হয়ে দাঁড়ায়।
সামরিক বাহিনীও জানে যে, চালকের আসনে না বসে তাদের বসতে হবে চালকের পিছনের আসনে। গণতন্ত্রের জন্য এটাই প্রাথমিক শিক্ষা।
প্রথম সিঁড়ি।
ইমরান খানের আন্দোলনের সময়ে রাজনীতির প্রকাশ্য মঞ্চে সামরিক বাহিনীর ঢুকে পড়ার সম্ভাবনা দেখা দিয়েছিল। বিরোধী দলগুলি সেটা কিছুতেই হতে দেয়নি, তারা পাকিস্তান তেহরিক-ই-ইনসাফ-এর পাশে দাঁড়াতে রাজি হয়নি!
তারপর পরিস্থিতি বদলালো। ইম্মি খান ক্ষমতায় এলো। আল্লাহ ও অ্যামেরিকা সমর্থন করলো।
গোটাটাই একটা প্রক্রিয়া।
আর্মি জানতো যে প্রক্রিয়াটা চালু রাখতে হবে। পাকিস্তানের বড় শহরে কিংবা মফস্সলে, প্রশাসনিক প্রতিষ্ঠানগুলিতে সব দুর্নীতি, স্বজনপোষণ সত্ত্বেও প্রতিষ্ঠানগুলি এক রকম ভাবে চলকটা লাগলো।
লেখক এই বইয়ের শেষে এক্কেবারে পয়গম্বর স্টাইলে বলেছেন : "যে কোনও ডিভাইসিভ, এক্সক্লুশনারি, মেজরিটারিয়ান রাজনীতি ইনক্লুসিভ সংস্কৃতির অন্তরায়। দরকার সকলকে নিয়ে মুক্ত আনন্দের সৃষ্টিশীল পরিবেশ।
পরাজিতের বিষণ্ণতাবোধ থেকে সংস্কৃতির পাঠ লাভ হয় না। দরকার বহু স্বরের বহু স্তরের আনন্দের উপলব্ধি।"
আরও এক কদম এগিয়ে উনি বললেন একটি অনিন্দ্যসুন্দর গল্প। উনি বললেন:
"রক্ত, জিঘাংসা, প্রতিহিংসা কি কোথাও পৌঁছে দেবে আমাদের? অসহিষ্ণুতার বিরুদ্ধে ছিলেন পবিত্র মহম্মদ।
ক্ষমা করেছিলেন প্রিয় সাহাবির কলিজা ভক্ষণকারী মহিলা হিন্দাহকে। হজরত মহম্মদকে হত্যা করবেন বলে প্রতিজ্ঞা করেছিলেন আরবের প্রসিদ্ধ কবি কাব।
একদিন কাব চলছিলেন হজরত মহম্মদের বিরুদ্ধে হত্যার উদ্দেশ্য নিয়ে লেখা কবিতা পড়তে পড়তে।
শব্দচয়ন আর গীতমাধুর্যে মুগ্ধ হয়ে কবিতার বিষয়বস্তুর কথা না ভেবে হজরত মহম্মদ নিজের পরিহিত শাসকের শিরোভূষণ পরিয়ে দেন কবি কাবের মাথায়। কাব বিস্মিত হয়ে যান। ইসলাম ধর্ম গ্রহণ করেন।"
আমি , Debanjôn Mükherjee , Debasmit Ganda, Chayan Mukherjee, Nilanjit Chakraborty ও ভাতৃপ্রতিম Pinak Biswas বাবুকে নিয়ে ইছলাম গ্রহণ করবো। মানুবতা মুতবো চিরন্তন।
আর কাউকে না পেলে অন্তত হোমোপ্যাল Debanjôn Mükherjee ও Pinak Biswas কে নিয়ে বৃহদারন্যক উপনিষদের ১/৪/১৪ সোৎসাহে বলবো:
সর্বে ভবন্তু সুখিন,
সর্বে সন্তু নিরাময়া,
সর্বে ভদ্রানি পশ্যন্তু,
মা কশ্চিদ দুঃখ মাপ্নুয়াত,
ওম শান্তি শান্তি শান্তি।
Grab a copy, if you choose.
January 4, 2021
Pakistan’s paradoxical nexus between the Military and the Islamic Fundamentalists and country establishment’s allegiance with the western countries including USA is very confounding for an outside observer. Former diplomat and journalist Hussain Haqqani carefully analyses the key policies – the promotion of religious nationalism, hostility towards neighboring India and an attempt to secure the US support have shaped both the domestic and foreign policies of the country since inception.
This book delivers a clear understanding of the nuances and forces at play within Pakistan and how the Military rules the country, directly and indirectly, since we gained the independence from the British.
The author argues that it is not the common citizens of the country who drive the state ideology of the country but the Military’s desire to dominate the political system and to dictate the national security priorities.
This book helps to clear the misconception that country was secular and pro-western in its outlook and after General Zia came into the power that Pakistan started drifting towards the Islamic ideological state. The author provides considerable evidences that Islam emerged as a decisive factor even before partition of the Subcontinent. The per-partition election campaign waged by Jinnah’s Muslim League in 1945-1946 was based almost entirely on Islamic rhetoric. In the course of it, the push to establish Pakistan became transformed, in its final stages, into a largely religious movement.
The author asserts that in the foreseeable future, Islam will remain a significant factor in Pakistan’s politics. High ranks of the military will continue to seek U.S. economic and military assistance and dominating the political scene of the country.
The Author concludes that Pakistan was created in a hurry and without giving detailed thought to various aspects of nation and state building and has been locked in a dysfunctional dynamic since its founding and time has come that Pakistan’s political and military elite to rectify the mistakes by taking a long-term view.
This book delivers a clear understanding of the nuances and forces at play within Pakistan and how the Military rules the country, directly and indirectly, since we gained the independence from the British.
The author argues that it is not the common citizens of the country who drive the state ideology of the country but the Military’s desire to dominate the political system and to dictate the national security priorities.
This book helps to clear the misconception that country was secular and pro-western in its outlook and after General Zia came into the power that Pakistan started drifting towards the Islamic ideological state. The author provides considerable evidences that Islam emerged as a decisive factor even before partition of the Subcontinent. The per-partition election campaign waged by Jinnah’s Muslim League in 1945-1946 was based almost entirely on Islamic rhetoric. In the course of it, the push to establish Pakistan became transformed, in its final stages, into a largely religious movement.
The author asserts that in the foreseeable future, Islam will remain a significant factor in Pakistan’s politics. High ranks of the military will continue to seek U.S. economic and military assistance and dominating the political scene of the country.
The Author concludes that Pakistan was created in a hurry and without giving detailed thought to various aspects of nation and state building and has been locked in a dysfunctional dynamic since its founding and time has come that Pakistan’s political and military elite to rectify the mistakes by taking a long-term view.
September 13, 2021
I have been following Amb. Haqqani on YouTube for a while. His understanding of Pakistan is deep and insightful. This book talks about Pakistan from 1947 to 2005, the year of the book was published . The author explains that though founders of Pakistan were secular their use of religion to unite the masses backfired badly. The reason for present day state is because the leaders who came after early demise of Jinnah tried to replace ethnicity with Islam. With no developed institutions and constitution, military with the help of Islamist groups took hold of the country by undermining elected democratic leaders. This is a great book to get an overall understanding of the country Pakistan and to know what lead Pakistan to become such a hybrid regime.
April 24, 2019
The book points out at some important points.
First, anti-Americanism in Pakistan is not a post-9/11 phenomenon. US missions have been attacked in Pakistan even before the Afghan war.So, it is absurd to link anti-Americanism to drone strikes.
Second, General Zia-ul-Haq did not bring Islamization in Pakistan. He only used it as a card to gain the recognition and acceptance of the anti-Bhutto Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Actually, PNA wanted Islamization and Zia gave it to them.
Third, Ayub, Zia, Musharraf have all been anti-India. Pakistan's insecurity (because of India) has not diminished even after its acquisition of nukes.
Fourth, the United States has not been sufficiently hard on Pakistan over its support for Kashmiri jihadist groups. It also did not object much to Pakistan's nuclear program due to its own limitations during the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan.
First, anti-Americanism in Pakistan is not a post-9/11 phenomenon. US missions have been attacked in Pakistan even before the Afghan war.So, it is absurd to link anti-Americanism to drone strikes.
Second, General Zia-ul-Haq did not bring Islamization in Pakistan. He only used it as a card to gain the recognition and acceptance of the anti-Bhutto Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Actually, PNA wanted Islamization and Zia gave it to them.
Third, Ayub, Zia, Musharraf have all been anti-India. Pakistan's insecurity (because of India) has not diminished even after its acquisition of nukes.
Fourth, the United States has not been sufficiently hard on Pakistan over its support for Kashmiri jihadist groups. It also did not object much to Pakistan's nuclear program due to its own limitations during the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan.
April 27, 2016
This book details d history of Military and Religious interference in civilian administration (when civilians were in power i.e. :) and also d reciprocal love between d former 2.
The 2-faced regimes which play victims of terrorism to USA/West and victimise India and its neighbours, the civilian efforts of lasting peace thwarted by d military/Intelligence, the inability of d mainstream PPP and PML to come together for strong democratic institutions; it gets repetitive. Also, it deals mostly with pre 9/11 era, neglects impact of religious/political ideology itself and the writing style is a bit dry, so find difficult to rate this acclaimed book higher.
The 2-faced regimes which play victims of terrorism to USA/West and victimise India and its neighbours, the civilian efforts of lasting peace thwarted by d military/Intelligence, the inability of d mainstream PPP and PML to come together for strong democratic institutions; it gets repetitive. Also, it deals mostly with pre 9/11 era, neglects impact of religious/political ideology itself and the writing style is a bit dry, so find difficult to rate this acclaimed book higher.
January 20, 2015
one must understand, Americans will leave afghanistan, as they left it torn apart and in a mess for the neighbours to handle after USSR war 1979. What option does Pakistan have to keep the border safe ? At the same time CIA was posed hero once they fought alongside Taliban and are posed hero when they fought against Taliban. This book is a Typical example of Paid Propoganda stories have been molded and given the name of facts.
April 20, 2014
Haqqani's insightful treatment of the military mullah alliance in Pakistan based on years of experience and research. Skillfully exposes the shallow Islamist foundations of Pakistan's foreign policy and domestic politics. and show how the military establishment has used militancy to promote its own interests at the expense of the country's democratic institutions.
Read
June 10, 2017Very unique experience of reading book of such a person. Expected crap but impressed by the way things are explained in a totally new way which we don't find in other books. Worth reading. And to sum it up i would say "Bitter but true".
January 14, 2019
The author does a great job of explaining Pakistani military's stranglehold on the country and the motivations behind it. I am particularly impressed with his ability to explain the subtlety and the nuances of the forces that run Pakistan. Recommended.
December 15, 2009
Great book, if you are nerdy & want to read about Pakistan.
February 14, 2017
"Out of box approach" towards militancy. I found it quite logical. absence of official documents seems to suggest as if state is not ready for reviews.
September 8, 2016
This book should be read in conjunction with Decent into Chaos by Ahmad Rashid to get a deeper perspective on the Af-Pak and other issues related to the sub-continent.
November 20, 2016
Very informative however there is a lot of repetition of the subject which gets boring after sometime and it never improves even till the end. I managed to read 7 chapters of the book...
December 20, 2022
Hooter: A detailed Op-Ed by a former Pakistani ambassador on the history of Pakistan through the lens of military and religion.
Whether you call it confirmational bias or not, Husain Haqqani does provide an interesting insight that resonates with the direction Pakistani leadership has taken since 1947 and as he goes through the political history in the swings between military and civil power centres - the focus on the Pakistani ideology based on the tripod of a common external enemy being India, the one single thread of religion that binds the diverse country and removes the emphasis on regional ethnicities and the ability to leverage foreign funding adds color to the decisions primarily military leadership have undertaken over decades to keep them as kingmakers and power centres internally and in the region. Whilst contrasting personalities have donned the mantle, the way they fall back to this one central theme in changing geo-political scenarios start making sense to some of the current decisions that one also sees.
Husain does a good job of introducing the various main leads in this story, their compulsions and their relationships with the other players and the environment that leads to the various decisions they take. Fundamentally he highlights that military as succour of all of Pakistan's issues and the final word on everything has been a motivating factor in leveraging religion - the only common cause identified when the country was being created anew from the British India and how to balance out other power centres, religion was used to hedge the risk and became a slippery slope that now the country's leadership finds tough to get out of as new power centres have been created that refuse to be held down.
There are lot of facts and timelines in play that gives one a reasonably good history lesson on the journey Pakistan has undergone primarily under military leadership with spurts of military backed civilian leadership upto the time of Musharaf all the way from Ayub Khan and the relationship with India and USA throughout.
Overall, a fine read for someone trying to get a sense of Pakistan's political history and its bearing on their foreign policy.
Whether you call it confirmational bias or not, Husain Haqqani does provide an interesting insight that resonates with the direction Pakistani leadership has taken since 1947 and as he goes through the political history in the swings between military and civil power centres - the focus on the Pakistani ideology based on the tripod of a common external enemy being India, the one single thread of religion that binds the diverse country and removes the emphasis on regional ethnicities and the ability to leverage foreign funding adds color to the decisions primarily military leadership have undertaken over decades to keep them as kingmakers and power centres internally and in the region. Whilst contrasting personalities have donned the mantle, the way they fall back to this one central theme in changing geo-political scenarios start making sense to some of the current decisions that one also sees.
Husain does a good job of introducing the various main leads in this story, their compulsions and their relationships with the other players and the environment that leads to the various decisions they take. Fundamentally he highlights that military as succour of all of Pakistan's issues and the final word on everything has been a motivating factor in leveraging religion - the only common cause identified when the country was being created anew from the British India and how to balance out other power centres, religion was used to hedge the risk and became a slippery slope that now the country's leadership finds tough to get out of as new power centres have been created that refuse to be held down.
There are lot of facts and timelines in play that gives one a reasonably good history lesson on the journey Pakistan has undergone primarily under military leadership with spurts of military backed civilian leadership upto the time of Musharaf all the way from Ayub Khan and the relationship with India and USA throughout.
Overall, a fine read for someone trying to get a sense of Pakistan's political history and its bearing on their foreign policy.
October 10, 2020
The book covers:
1: The demand for Pakistan, manufactured by Muslim league before Independence essentially to negotiate more power/representation for Muslims once India was Independent.
2: The role played by Pakistan, in containing Soviet expansion into Afganistan and in emergence of almost all terrorist organizations in the region.
3: The relationship between Pakistan and US. Pakistan wanted the continuous flow of aid and military assistance in exchange for it helping United States stop the Soviet Expansion to Afganistan and beyond.
4: The ISI's role in internal politics of the country as well as it's role in supporting violence in Indian Jammu & Kashmir and in other parts of India.
The book covers much more.
The book will help me in viewing all the happenings in the Subcontinent in a more informed way.
1: The demand for Pakistan, manufactured by Muslim league before Independence essentially to negotiate more power/representation for Muslims once India was Independent.
2: The role played by Pakistan, in containing Soviet expansion into Afganistan and in emergence of almost all terrorist organizations in the region.
3: The relationship between Pakistan and US. Pakistan wanted the continuous flow of aid and military assistance in exchange for it helping United States stop the Soviet Expansion to Afganistan and beyond.
4: The ISI's role in internal politics of the country as well as it's role in supporting violence in Indian Jammu & Kashmir and in other parts of India.
The book covers much more.
The book will help me in viewing all the happenings in the Subcontinent in a more informed way.
May 7, 2023
Policy of “Pakistan cannot be easily characterized as either friend or foe.”(Loc: 5584-5584) This is because the country which calls itself as Pak (pure), but practices taqiya (dissimulation and deceit) to its perfection. This has resulted in its best of friends are confused if it’s a friend or foe to Pakistan. For example, Pakistan co-operated with America on “war on terror” but harbored Osama in ISI safehouse inside Pakistan, took money with China for development but stated killing them inside Pakistan, “The Philippines government protested during Bhutto’s visit to Manila that Pakistanis were fighting alongside Muslim extremists battling for autonomy in Mindanao; Russia alleged that Pakistanis had been among Islamists fighting in Chechnya. Arab governments in Egypt, Algeria, and Jordan also identified their foes among those living in Pakistan since the anti-Soviet Afghan jihad.”(Loc:4220-4223)
Pakistan being the first country to declare itself as an “Islamic republic” in the world, “The historic alliance between Islamists and Pakistan’s military, which is the subject of this book”(Loc:134-136). Haqqani takes a chronological approach to show the roots of this power struggle between the state, the military and the mosque to the very inception of Pakistan, when the country was created as a homeland for the Muslims of India which continued till date. An insightful analysis of Pakistan's political history and the role of the military and Islamic fundamentalism in shaping the country's politics has been presented through 8 chapters including concluding last chapter in this book.
Chapter1: identity and ideology : This chapter focuses on the historical background of Pakistan's creation, including the role of religion and ideology in the process. He feels that the ambiguity that Pakistan was developed led to believe that Islam can homogenize the diverse population just after independence. He goes on to explain right from Jinna to Butto, who never been religious themselves used Islam to unify and hold the country together.
Chapter 2: Defending Ideological Frontiers: explains how Yahya Khan extended role of military as the guardian of Pakistan’s “ideological frontier,” and “[General] Sher Ali took the regime to the point of no return on the road to ideological involvement.”( Loc:1091-1094) which eventually led to splitting of country into two.
Chapter 3 Old and New Pakistan: explains the historic opportunity due to division of Pakistan into Pakistan and Bangladesh which could have been used to introspect on “the questions of national continuity and survival, (like) What are the links that bind the people of Pakistan? What is the soul and personality of Pakistan? What is our national identity and our peculiar oneness which makes us a nation apart from other nations?” (Loc:2022-2025) and mend its way and think Islam can no longer bind Pakistanis into one nation was never recognized and country was further pushed into Islamization.
Chapter 4 From Islamic Republic to Islamic State: This chapter focuses specifically on the period of General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, from 1977 to 1988. The author argues that Zia's Islamization policies is simply a “carrying forward the nation- and state-building project that started soon after the demise of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.” (Loc:2700-2704) In the lines of Islam that was promised by Jinnah to Pir of Manki Sharif. Authors argues that “Zia ul-Haq’s legal reforms may have caused little change for the common Pakistani citizen, they enhanced the share of Islamic political groups within different state institutions and took the relationship between the Pakistani state and Islamic groups to a new level. Lawrence Ziring, who has observed Pakistan’s internal political developments since the 1950s, saw the Zia ul-Haq era in terms of a transition from an undefined Islamic Republic to an authoritarian Islamic state”(Loc:2700-2704)
Chapter 5 Afghan Jihad: This chapter gives a comprehensive history of Afghan and how the establishment that believed in “the history of various invasions of India and argued that, because most invaders of India came through Afghanistan and because historically the land that now constituted West Pakistan was closely linked to Afghanistan, Pakistan’s defense could be ensured only by integration of the two contemporary states” (Loc:3013-3017) in the process Pakistan talibanized its own society even before Americans thought about it. Author argues that the American weapons and Saudi money simply catalyzed this process and not started the process of talibanized as common man is made to believe.
Chapter 6 Military Rule by Other Means: The author argues that the military has had a disproportionate influence on Pakistan's politics and society, and that this has been a major factor in the country's political instability.
Chapter 7 Jihad without Borders: The author argues that Pakistan's foreign policy has been shaped by its strategic location, its military's desire for legitimacy, its perceived security threats and obsession to divide India resulted in internationalizing the terrorism.
Chapter 8 Conclusion: From Ideological to Functional State: The final chapter provides a summary of the book's main arguments, and reflects on the challenges that Pakistan faces in the years ahead. Haqqani proposes a series of reforms that could help break the military-mosque nexus and strengthen democratic institutions in Pakistan. He emphasizes the need for a more inclusive education system, greater political participation, and the rule of secular law.
Some of the points that I disagree with the author is his emphasis on US to force Pakistan to mend its ways when he states “Support for the Pakistani military by the United States makes it difficult for Pakistan’s weak, secular, civil society to assert itself and wean Pakistan from the rhetoric of Islamist ideology toward issues of real concern for Pakistan’s citizens.” (Loc:5581-5583) or "The United States can perhaps deal best with Pakistan in the long term by using its influence to reshape the Pakistani military’s view of the national interest." (Loc:5768-5769) or “2001—the U.S. government did little to discourage Islamabad’s embrace of obscurantist Islam as its state ideology, thereby empowering Pakistan’s religious leaders beyond their support among the populace and tying the Islamists to Pakistan’s military-civil bureaucracy and intelligence apparatus.”(Loc:5774-5775).
It is for the people of Pakistan to decide how it wants to progress and build the nation and as author suggestion, the job cannot be outsourced to some other country like US as every other country will be selfish to take benefit for its own national interest. As long as Pakistanis say, “Our army can be your army if you want” and move out of "ideological state" to "national state" giving up of hatred to everything that is non-Islamic, country cannot prosper.
Pakistan being the first country to declare itself as an “Islamic republic” in the world, “The historic alliance between Islamists and Pakistan’s military, which is the subject of this book”(Loc:134-136). Haqqani takes a chronological approach to show the roots of this power struggle between the state, the military and the mosque to the very inception of Pakistan, when the country was created as a homeland for the Muslims of India which continued till date. An insightful analysis of Pakistan's political history and the role of the military and Islamic fundamentalism in shaping the country's politics has been presented through 8 chapters including concluding last chapter in this book.
Chapter1: identity and ideology : This chapter focuses on the historical background of Pakistan's creation, including the role of religion and ideology in the process. He feels that the ambiguity that Pakistan was developed led to believe that Islam can homogenize the diverse population just after independence. He goes on to explain right from Jinna to Butto, who never been religious themselves used Islam to unify and hold the country together.
Chapter 2: Defending Ideological Frontiers: explains how Yahya Khan extended role of military as the guardian of Pakistan’s “ideological frontier,” and “[General] Sher Ali took the regime to the point of no return on the road to ideological involvement.”( Loc:1091-1094) which eventually led to splitting of country into two.
Chapter 3 Old and New Pakistan: explains the historic opportunity due to division of Pakistan into Pakistan and Bangladesh which could have been used to introspect on “the questions of national continuity and survival, (like) What are the links that bind the people of Pakistan? What is the soul and personality of Pakistan? What is our national identity and our peculiar oneness which makes us a nation apart from other nations?” (Loc:2022-2025) and mend its way and think Islam can no longer bind Pakistanis into one nation was never recognized and country was further pushed into Islamization.
Chapter 4 From Islamic Republic to Islamic State: This chapter focuses specifically on the period of General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, from 1977 to 1988. The author argues that Zia's Islamization policies is simply a “carrying forward the nation- and state-building project that started soon after the demise of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.” (Loc:2700-2704) In the lines of Islam that was promised by Jinnah to Pir of Manki Sharif. Authors argues that “Zia ul-Haq’s legal reforms may have caused little change for the common Pakistani citizen, they enhanced the share of Islamic political groups within different state institutions and took the relationship between the Pakistani state and Islamic groups to a new level. Lawrence Ziring, who has observed Pakistan’s internal political developments since the 1950s, saw the Zia ul-Haq era in terms of a transition from an undefined Islamic Republic to an authoritarian Islamic state”(Loc:2700-2704)
Chapter 5 Afghan Jihad: This chapter gives a comprehensive history of Afghan and how the establishment that believed in “the history of various invasions of India and argued that, because most invaders of India came through Afghanistan and because historically the land that now constituted West Pakistan was closely linked to Afghanistan, Pakistan’s defense could be ensured only by integration of the two contemporary states” (Loc:3013-3017) in the process Pakistan talibanized its own society even before Americans thought about it. Author argues that the American weapons and Saudi money simply catalyzed this process and not started the process of talibanized as common man is made to believe.
Chapter 6 Military Rule by Other Means: The author argues that the military has had a disproportionate influence on Pakistan's politics and society, and that this has been a major factor in the country's political instability.
Chapter 7 Jihad without Borders: The author argues that Pakistan's foreign policy has been shaped by its strategic location, its military's desire for legitimacy, its perceived security threats and obsession to divide India resulted in internationalizing the terrorism.
Chapter 8 Conclusion: From Ideological to Functional State: The final chapter provides a summary of the book's main arguments, and reflects on the challenges that Pakistan faces in the years ahead. Haqqani proposes a series of reforms that could help break the military-mosque nexus and strengthen democratic institutions in Pakistan. He emphasizes the need for a more inclusive education system, greater political participation, and the rule of secular law.
Some of the points that I disagree with the author is his emphasis on US to force Pakistan to mend its ways when he states “Support for the Pakistani military by the United States makes it difficult for Pakistan’s weak, secular, civil society to assert itself and wean Pakistan from the rhetoric of Islamist ideology toward issues of real concern for Pakistan’s citizens.” (Loc:5581-5583) or "The United States can perhaps deal best with Pakistan in the long term by using its influence to reshape the Pakistani military’s view of the national interest." (Loc:5768-5769) or “2001—the U.S. government did little to discourage Islamabad’s embrace of obscurantist Islam as its state ideology, thereby empowering Pakistan’s religious leaders beyond their support among the populace and tying the Islamists to Pakistan’s military-civil bureaucracy and intelligence apparatus.”(Loc:5774-5775).
It is for the people of Pakistan to decide how it wants to progress and build the nation and as author suggestion, the job cannot be outsourced to some other country like US as every other country will be selfish to take benefit for its own national interest. As long as Pakistanis say, “Our army can be your army if you want” and move out of "ideological state" to "national state" giving up of hatred to everything that is non-Islamic, country cannot prosper.
May 28, 2018
This is one of those, "I'm shocked it was ever written," books. Ambassador Haqqani is perhaps the highest ranking official who is, in many ways, a "defector" of sorts, openly exposing the internal politics of his home country that many would rather not have exposed. What's even more amazing was he became an even higher-ranking Ambassador (to the US) AFTER writing it. Of course, he now is in de-facto exile.
His story of course is in part what he's discussing. His thesis, which I think he demonstrates extremely convincingly, is that Pakistan was never able to complete it's transition to a secular democracy, like it's founder Muhammad Ali-Jinnah wanted, and how seemingly different factions, namely theocratic Islamist groups and the military, have used each other to keep true Democrats from having too much power, particularly for very long. This is in large part because of the nature of partition left Pakistan with little but Islam as an identity, which in turn played into the hands of radicals, since authoritative democrats like Ali-Jinnah never were there to guide it elsewhere and the Military, for many complicated factors (which he documents extensively) gained and continued to gain influence over the years and decades. But since Pakistan remains (ostensibly) a democracy in its own eyes and the eyes of the world, from time to time, Democrats gain power, leading to people like Haqqani having power for a while, but all-too-often not being able to stick around long.
In any event, this is a very important book about a very important region of the world. One can only hope the vice Haqqani discusses is shattered over time. In the meantime, we have a great people who, unfortunately, will never live up to their true potential.
His story of course is in part what he's discussing. His thesis, which I think he demonstrates extremely convincingly, is that Pakistan was never able to complete it's transition to a secular democracy, like it's founder Muhammad Ali-Jinnah wanted, and how seemingly different factions, namely theocratic Islamist groups and the military, have used each other to keep true Democrats from having too much power, particularly for very long. This is in large part because of the nature of partition left Pakistan with little but Islam as an identity, which in turn played into the hands of radicals, since authoritative democrats like Ali-Jinnah never were there to guide it elsewhere and the Military, for many complicated factors (which he documents extensively) gained and continued to gain influence over the years and decades. But since Pakistan remains (ostensibly) a democracy in its own eyes and the eyes of the world, from time to time, Democrats gain power, leading to people like Haqqani having power for a while, but all-too-often not being able to stick around long.
In any event, this is a very important book about a very important region of the world. One can only hope the vice Haqqani discusses is shattered over time. In the meantime, we have a great people who, unfortunately, will never live up to their true potential.
July 10, 2017
This book should be made compulsory reading in India lest between Bollywood movies and iPhones we (Indians) forget that there is a country to our west whose military and Jihadi forces continue to work on the project of the conquest and conversion of "Hindustan" and willing to risk it all, the destruction of economy, people, terrorism, and a 1000 year war to achieve that purpose. Written by an insider, Pakistan ambassador to US, it gives detailed view of the mindset of the Pakistani security establishment from the days of creation of Pakistan following the agenda of Pan-Islamism and the subjugation of what is viewed as "Hindu" India. In this quest they are steadfast and have used every resource available, deceiving the superpowers, setting up factories of terrorism, and ruining their own economy, destroying the fabric of Pakistan society, inviting global condemnation and wrath, everything. While the world today bears the scars of this enterprise, the primary focus was and remains India. Chilling account, well researched and documented with excruciating details of the last 70 odd years. Depressing and eye opening at the same time giving ample warning that this will continue for years to come and we have no choice but to resist this destructive force with everything we have at our collective disposal.
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September 27, 2022الكتاب: باكستان.. بين المسجد والجيش
المؤلف: حسين حقاني
الناشر: مؤسسة كارنيجي للسلام الدولي
عدد الصفحات: 397
اللغة: الإنجليزية
من المفيد ابتداءً تعريف القارئ بهوية الكاتب الذي أثنى أليكس أليكسييف، زميل أقدم في مركز السياسة الأمنية، على “معرفته الشخصية بالعديد من العسكريين والسياسيين البارزين خلال العقدين الماضيين”:
حسين حقاني (1 يوليو 1956)؛ أكاديمي ودبلوماسي باكستاني، عمل سفيرًا لبلاده إلى سريلانكا والولايات المتحدة، ومستشارًا لرئيس الوزراء الباكستاني، إلى جانب دوره كـ باحث زائر في مشروع جنوب آسيا في مؤسسة كارنيجي للسلام الدولي، وأستاذ مشارك في العلاقات الدولية في جامعة بوسطن.
يعمل حاليًا رئيسًا لشؤون جنوب وشرق آسيا في معهد هدسون بواشنطن، وهو عضو سابق في الرابطة الإسلامية الباكستانية، ألف كتابان عن باكستان: (1) الأوهام المهيبة: باكستان، الولايات المتحدة، تاريخ ملحمي من سوء التفاهم. (2) باكستان: بين المسجد والجيش، وهو الكتاب الذي ستستعرضه السطور التالية.
(1)
من بين حلفاء الولايات المتحدة للحرب على الإرهاب، لا يمكن وصف باكستان بسهولة باعتبارها صديقًا أو عدوا. ذلك أن الدولة المسلحة نوويًا، تعتبر مركزًا مهمًا للأفكار والجماعات الإسلامية التي يصفها المؤلف بالـ”متطرفة”.
لكن في الوقت ذاته، أدى التعاون- الانتقائي- للرئيس السابق برويز مشرف، في أعقاب هجمات 11 سبتمبر وتبادل المعلومات الاستخباراتية مع الولايات المتحدة واعتقال أعضاء تنظيم القاعدة؛ إلى افتراض أن باكستان قد تكون مستعدة للتخلي عن علاقتها طويلة الأمد بما يصفه الكتاب بـ”الإسلام الراديكالي”.
بيدَ أن طبيعة باكستان، كدولة ذات أيديولوجية إسلامية، ترتبط ارتباطا وثيقًا بالرؤية العالمية للنخبة الباكستانية والطموحات الإمبراطورية لجيشها. من أجل ذلك، يحلل هذا الكتاب أصول العلاقات بين الجماعات الإسلامية والجيش الباكستاني، ويستكشف مساعي البلاد لصياغة الهوية وتحقيق الأمن.
وبتتبُّع كيف سَعَى الجيش للحصول على دعم الولايات المتحدة، من خلال جعل نفسه مفيدًا فيما يتعلق بمخاوف اللحظة- مع مواصلة تعزيز تحالف المسجد-الجيش داخل باكستان- يقدَّم المؤلف رؤية مختلفة للتطورات السياسية التي شهدتها البلاد منذ الاستقلال في عام 1947.
(2)
يستهل الكتاب بخارطة للمنطقة، ومقدمةٍ تستعرض هوية البلاد وأيديولجيتها. ثم تبدأ فصوله في تناول ما وصفه المؤلف بـ “الحدود الأيديولوجية” والدفاع عنها، واستعراض كيف تبدو باكستان بين الأمس واليوم، وانتقال البلاد من جمهورية إسلامية إلى دولة إسلامية.
ينتقل الكتاب بعد ذلك إلى الحديث عن الجهاد الأفغاني، وعن الحكم العسكري بوسائل أخرى، وعن الجهاد الذي لا يعرف الحدود، قبل أن يختم بالحديث عن الانتقال من الدولة الأيديولوجية إلى الدولة الوظيفية.
يقول المؤلف إن هذا الكتاب يمثل عصارة شغفٍ استغرق حياته طولا وعرضا، لفهم تاريخ وطنه باكستان وسياستها. ولأن الجيش والمخابرات الباكستانية حاولا جاهدين الحفاظ على قناع من الغموض، كان التعرُّض لهذا الملف شائكًا، على قدر ما كان مهما.
”التظاهرات والأزمة السياسية الحالية في باكستان ما هي إلا أعراض لمرض خطير، وهو: أن الجيش الباكستاني قد حكم البلاد لفترة تكاد تساوي نصف عمر الدولة بعد استقلالها، ما يؤكد حاليا رغبة الجيش في السيطرة على السياسة الخارجية والأمنية للدولة مرة ثانية”. (حسين حقاني أثناء حلوله ضيفًا في استديوهات برنامج GPS على قناة CNN International في سبتمبر 2014)
وإذ ينسب المؤلف الفضل إلى كل شخصٍ في باكستان أسهم في تعليمه وتطوير أفكاره، فإنه يخص بالذكر جيرانه، ومعلميه، وأصدقائه منذ كان ناشطًا أيام الدراسة يحمل بين جوانحه تعاطفًا إسلاميًا، وزملائه الكثيرين في عمله كصحفيّ، والعديد من المسئولين الباكستانيين الذين عمل معهم طيلة الفترة التي قضاها في الحكومة.
يقول: “علمني والدي، محمد سليم حقاني، في سنّ مبكر أن أنثر علامات الاستفهام على رأس الرواية المشوهة رسميًا للأحداث في باكستان. وواصلت والدتي، سعيدة سليم حقاني، دعمي في كل محطات حياتي، ولطالما أعربت عن إيمانها بي في كافة النقاشات التي خاضتها”.
(3)
لأكثر من عشر سنوات، كانت الاتهامات تنهال على باكستان باعتبارها داعمة للإرهاب، وتحديدًا بسبب دعمها للجماعات المسلحة المعارضة للحكم الهندي في منطقة جامو وكشمير المتنازع عليها، وأيضًا لدعمها حكومة طالبان في أفغانستان. لكن بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر 2001، أذعنت باكستان للضغوط الأمريكية المطالبة بتغيير موقفها واتخاذ موقف ضد “الإرهاب”.
وهكذا أصبحت باكستان حليفًا للولايات المتحدة، وقدمت تسهيلات للعمليات العسكرية الأمريكية في أفغانستان، وتشاركت المعلومات الاستخباراتية حول نشطاء القاعدة. وفي حين أصبحت البلاد- نتيجة لذلك- هدفًا للإرهاب وقاعدة لنشاطاته، بات صناع السياسة الأمريكيين يعتبرونها مفتاحا للقضاء على الإرهاب في جنوب آسيا.
ويعتبر مستقبل باكستان ملفًا حاسمًا للولايات المتحدة، على الأقل نظرا لامتلاك إسلام أباد قدرات نووية. أما التحالف التاريخي بين الإسلاميين والجيش الباكستاني- وهو محور هذا الكتاب- فيرى المؤلف أنه يمثل مصدر إحباط لعمليات مكافحة الإرهاب، ويدفع الهند وباكستان مرة أخرى إلى شفير الحرب.. وهي أحد الجمل المفتاحيَّة لفهم توجهات الكاتب، وشرح الرسالة التي يريد الكتاب إيصالها.
”التفاوض مع حركة طالبان الآن سوف يكون خطأ جسيماً، مثلما كانت عليه الحال في تسعينيات القرن الماضي. حيث أن حركة طالبان ليست قابلة لعقد صفقة براغماتية، خلافاً لمعظم الدول أو الجماعات السياسية.
فهي تتسم بإيديولوجية متطرفة ولن تتنازل بسهولة عن معتقداتها الراسخة”. مقال لـ حسين حقاني نشرته صحيفة نيويورك تايمز الأمريكية بعنوان “لا تتكلموا مع حركة طالبان” في يونيو 2013)
(4)
– “في هذا الكتاب المقنع والمفيد للغاية، يصف حسين حقاني بالتفصيل التحالف غير المقدس بين الإسلاميين والعسكريين الذي صاغ ماضي باكستان وقد يحدد مستقبلها أيضا. إنها قصة مهمة ومثيرة للقلق، سردها المؤلف ببراعة”.
(أندرو باسيفيتش، مؤلف العسكرية الأمريكية الحديثة)
– “كتاب مسطور بعناية، من وجهة نظر شخص يعرف السياسة الباكستانية من الداخل”.
(بيتر بيرجن، محلل شؤون الإرهاب في سي إن إن ومؤلف كتاب مؤسسة الحرب المقدسة)
– شهد حسين حقاني السياسة الباكستانية عن قرب، لكن كتابه أكبر من مجرد مذكرات، لأنه يحكي عن تاريخ مثير للجدل يكشف عمق الروابط بين الجيش والمتشددين الإسلاميين. لذلك هو جدير بالقراءة.
(أوين بينيت جونز، مؤلف كتاب باكستان: عين العاصفة)
– “يقدم حسين حقاني أشمل الروايات حول دور الدين والجيش في تاريخ باكستان المتشابك، ما يجعل قراءة الكتاب تجربة رائعة وواقعية. وحتى الآن، لا يزال التحدي ال��تمثل في الحفاظ على الهوية الإسلامية المعتدلة في خضم غياب الأمن الوطني والعاطفة الدينية يمثل مشكلة رئيسية تواجه حكومة باكستان”.
(تيريسيتا شافير، مديرة برنامج جنوب آسيا بمركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية والدولية في واشنطن، والسفيرة ومساعدة وزير الخارجية سابقا لشؤون جنوب آسيا)
(نُشِرَ هذا العرض على موقع مركز إدراك للدراسات والاستشارات في عام 2016، ومتاح على الرابط التالي https://idraksy.net/pakistan-between/، كما نُشِرَ على موقع "العالم بالعربية"؛ أول منصة عربية متخصصة في رصد وتحليل اتجاهات الصحف ومراكز الأبحاث والإصدارات العالمية)
المؤلف: حسين حقاني
الناشر: مؤسسة كارنيجي للسلام الدولي
عدد الصفحات: 397
اللغة: الإنجليزية
من المفيد ابتداءً تعريف القارئ بهوية الكاتب الذي أثنى أليكس أليكسييف، زميل أقدم في مركز السياسة الأمنية، على “معرفته الشخصية بالعديد من العسكريين والسياسيين البارزين خلال العقدين الماضيين”:
حسين حقاني (1 يوليو 1956)؛ أكاديمي ودبلوماسي باكستاني، عمل سفيرًا لبلاده إلى سريلانكا والولايات المتحدة، ومستشارًا لرئيس الوزراء الباكستاني، إلى جانب دوره كـ باحث زائر في مشروع جنوب آسيا في مؤسسة كارنيجي للسلام الدولي، وأستاذ مشارك في العلاقات الدولية في جامعة بوسطن.
يعمل حاليًا رئيسًا لشؤون جنوب وشرق آسيا في معهد هدسون بواشنطن، وهو عضو سابق في الرابطة الإسلامية الباكستانية، ألف كتابان عن باكستان: (1) الأوهام المهيبة: باكستان، الولايات المتحدة، تاريخ ملحمي من سوء التفاهم. (2) باكستان: بين المسجد والجيش، وهو الكتاب الذي ستستعرضه السطور التالية.
(1)
من بين حلفاء الولايات المتحدة للحرب على الإرهاب، لا يمكن وصف باكستان بسهولة باعتبارها صديقًا أو عدوا. ذلك أن الدولة المسلحة نوويًا، تعتبر مركزًا مهمًا للأفكار والجماعات الإسلامية التي يصفها المؤلف بالـ”متطرفة”.
لكن في الوقت ذاته، أدى التعاون- الانتقائي- للرئيس السابق برويز مشرف، في أعقاب هجمات 11 سبتمبر وتبادل المعلومات الاستخباراتية مع الولايات المتحدة واعتقال أعضاء تنظيم القاعدة؛ إلى افتراض أن باكستان قد تكون مستعدة للتخلي عن علاقتها طويلة الأمد بما يصفه الكتاب بـ”الإسلام الراديكالي”.
بيدَ أن طبيعة باكستان، كدولة ذات أيديولوجية إسلامية، ترتبط ارتباطا وثيقًا بالرؤية العالمية للنخبة الباكستانية والطموحات الإمبراطورية لجيشها. من أجل ذلك، يحلل هذا الكتاب أصول العلاقات بين الجماعات الإسلامية والجيش الباكستاني، ويستكشف مساعي البلاد لصياغة الهوية وتحقيق الأمن.
وبتتبُّع كيف سَعَى الجيش للحصول على دعم الولايات المتحدة، من خلال جعل نفسه مفيدًا فيما يتعلق بمخاوف اللحظة- مع مواصلة تعزيز تحالف المسجد-الجيش داخل باكستان- يقدَّم المؤلف رؤية مختلفة للتطورات السياسية التي شهدتها البلاد منذ الاستقلال في عام 1947.
(2)
يستهل الكتاب بخارطة للمنطقة، ومقدمةٍ تستعرض هوية البلاد وأيديولجيتها. ثم تبدأ فصوله في تناول ما وصفه المؤلف بـ “الحدود الأيديولوجية” والدفاع عنها، واستعراض كيف تبدو باكستان بين الأمس واليوم، وانتقال البلاد من جمهورية إسلامية إلى دولة إسلامية.
ينتقل الكتاب بعد ذلك إلى الحديث عن الجهاد الأفغاني، وعن الحكم العسكري بوسائل أخرى، وعن الجهاد الذي لا يعرف الحدود، قبل أن يختم بالحديث عن الانتقال من الدولة الأيديولوجية إلى الدولة الوظيفية.
يقول المؤلف إن هذا الكتاب يمثل عصارة شغفٍ استغرق حياته طولا وعرضا، لفهم تاريخ وطنه باكستان وسياستها. ولأن الجيش والمخابرات الباكستانية حاولا جاهدين الحفاظ على قناع من الغموض، كان التعرُّض لهذا الملف شائكًا، على قدر ما كان مهما.
”التظاهرات والأزمة السياسية الحالية في باكستان ما هي إلا أعراض لمرض خطير، وهو: أن الجيش الباكستاني قد حكم البلاد لفترة تكاد تساوي نصف عمر الدولة بعد استقلالها، ما يؤكد حاليا رغبة الجيش في السيطرة على السياسة الخارجية والأمنية للدولة مرة ثانية”. (حسين حقاني أثناء حلوله ضيفًا في استديوهات برنامج GPS على قناة CNN International في سبتمبر 2014)
وإذ ينسب المؤلف الفضل إلى كل شخصٍ في باكستان أسهم في تعليمه وتطوير أفكاره، فإنه يخص بالذكر جيرانه، ومعلميه، وأصدقائه منذ كان ناشطًا أيام الدراسة يحمل بين جوانحه تعاطفًا إسلاميًا، وزملائه الكثيرين في عمله كصحفيّ، والعديد من المسئولين الباكستانيين الذين عمل معهم طيلة الفترة التي قضاها في الحكومة.
يقول: “علمني والدي، محمد سليم حقاني، في سنّ مبكر أن أنثر علامات الاستفهام على رأس الرواية المشوهة رسميًا للأحداث في باكستان. وواصلت والدتي، سعيدة سليم حقاني، دعمي في كل محطات حياتي، ولطالما أعربت عن إيمانها بي في كافة النقاشات التي خاضتها”.
(3)
لأكثر من عشر سنوات، كانت الاتهامات تنهال على باكستان باعتبارها داعمة للإرهاب، وتحديدًا بسبب دعمها للجماعات المسلحة المعارضة للحكم الهندي في منطقة جامو وكشمير المتنازع عليها، وأيضًا لدعمها حكومة طالبان في أفغانستان. لكن بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر 2001، أذعنت باكستان للضغوط الأمريكية المطالبة بتغيير موقفها واتخاذ موقف ضد “الإرهاب”.
وهكذا أصبحت باكستان حليفًا للولايات المتحدة، وقدمت تسهيلات للعمليات العسكرية الأمريكية في أفغانستان، وتشاركت المعلومات الاستخباراتية حول نشطاء القاعدة. وفي حين أصبحت البلاد- نتيجة لذلك- هدفًا للإرهاب وقاعدة لنشاطاته، بات صناع السياسة الأمريكيين يعتبرونها مفتاحا للقضاء على الإرهاب في جنوب آسيا.
ويعتبر مستقبل باكستان ملفًا حاسمًا للولايات المتحدة، على الأقل نظرا لامتلاك إسلام أباد قدرات نووية. أما التحالف التاريخي بين الإسلاميين والجيش الباكستاني- وهو محور هذا الكتاب- فيرى المؤلف أنه يمثل مصدر إحباط لعمليات مكافحة الإرهاب، ويدفع الهند وباكستان مرة أخرى إلى شفير الحرب.. وهي أحد الجمل المفتاحيَّة لفهم توجهات الكاتب، وشرح الرسالة التي يريد الكتاب إيصالها.
”التفاوض مع حركة طالبان الآن سوف يكون خطأ جسيماً، مثلما كانت عليه الحال في تسعينيات القرن الماضي. حيث أن حركة طالبان ليست قابلة لعقد صفقة براغماتية، خلافاً لمعظم الدول أو الجماعات السياسية.
فهي تتسم بإيديولوجية متطرفة ولن تتنازل بسهولة عن معتقداتها الراسخة”. مقال لـ حسين حقاني نشرته صحيفة نيويورك تايمز الأمريكية بعنوان “لا تتكلموا مع حركة طالبان” في يونيو 2013)
(4)
– “في هذا الكتاب المقنع والمفيد للغاية، يصف حسين حقاني بالتفصيل التحالف غير المقدس بين الإسلاميين والعسكريين الذي صاغ ماضي باكستان وقد يحدد مستقبلها أيضا. إنها قصة مهمة ومثيرة للقلق، سردها المؤلف ببراعة”.
(أندرو باسيفيتش، مؤلف العسكرية الأمريكية الحديثة)
– “كتاب مسطور بعناية، من وجهة نظر شخص يعرف السياسة الباكستانية من الداخل”.
(بيتر بيرجن، محلل شؤون الإرهاب في سي إن إن ومؤلف كتاب مؤسسة الحرب المقدسة)
– شهد حسين حقاني السياسة الباكستانية عن قرب، لكن كتابه أكبر من مجرد مذكرات، لأنه يحكي عن تاريخ مثير للجدل يكشف عمق الروابط بين الجيش والمتشددين الإسلاميين. لذلك هو جدير بالقراءة.
(أوين بينيت جونز، مؤلف كتاب باكستان: عين العاصفة)
– “يقدم حسين حقاني أشمل الروايات حول دور الدين والجيش في تاريخ باكستان المتشابك، ما يجعل قراءة الكتاب تجربة رائعة وواقعية. وحتى الآن، لا يزال التحدي ال��تمثل في الحفاظ على الهوية الإسلامية المعتدلة في خضم غياب الأمن الوطني والعاطفة الدينية يمثل مشكلة رئيسية تواجه حكومة باكستان”.
(تيريسيتا شافير، مديرة برنامج جنوب آسيا بمركز الدراسات الاستراتيجية والدولية في واشنطن، والسفيرة ومساعدة وزير الخارجية سابقا لشؤون جنوب آسيا)
(نُشِرَ هذا العرض على موقع مركز إدراك للدراسات والاستشارات في عام 2016، ومتاح على الرابط التالي https://idraksy.net/pakistan-between/، كما نُشِرَ على موقع "العالم بالعربية"؛ أول منصة عربية متخصصة في رصد وتحليل اتجاهات الصحف ومراكز الأبحاث والإصدارات العالمية)
February 22, 2020
One the best book to understand the military power using in Pakistan and how Islamic government is governing.
February 12, 2020
It’s a good book about political history of Pakistan. Major eras of civilian & military rule have been divided into different chapters. It focuses on two major elements namely Islamization of Pakistan & relation with USA. It has been rightly pointed out that Islam is unifying force in Pakistan but now we need to move on let the system evolve freely. It explores the vested interests of Pakistani army in governance of country and why civilian leaders/politicians are not allowed to pursue independent foreign policy. Last chapters have special emphasis on Kashmir and Pakistani leaders continuous infatuation to conquer Kashmir.
May 23, 2016
Think before you speak, read before you speak. This rightly sums up what our approach towards our western neighbour should be. We have formed strong uninformed opinions about it for ever since its inception and itis high time we read, think and then speak.
Mr Haqqani's work is an impressive account of a nation's quest to define its nationhood whil grappling with war, within and without. This should be a mandatory read for all Indians who claim to understand Pakistan!
Mr Haqqani's work is an impressive account of a nation's quest to define its nationhood whil grappling with war, within and without. This should be a mandatory read for all Indians who claim to understand Pakistan!
March 17, 2018
A Brilliant Book !!!
Anyone who wants to learn about the behaviour & nature of Pakistan needs to read this book. Hussain Haqqani has written a masterpiece on the past, present and future of Pakistan. Very rarely we stumble around a non fiction book which is written in a such an easy and interesting manner. A comprehensive book which carries details about all the events related to Pakistan. A must read.
Anyone who wants to learn about the behaviour & nature of Pakistan needs to read this book. Hussain Haqqani has written a masterpiece on the past, present and future of Pakistan. Very rarely we stumble around a non fiction book which is written in a such an easy and interesting manner. A comprehensive book which carries details about all the events related to Pakistan. A must read.
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