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  <title><![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]></title>
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  <description><![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]></description>
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        <name><![CDATA[Mancur Olson]]></name>
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  <title>
    <![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]>
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  <description>
    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
  </description>
  <published>1965</published>
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  <date_added>Thu Feb 26 22:54:06 -0800 2009</date_added>
  <date_updated>Thu Feb 26 23:05:31 -0800 2009</date_updated>
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    <body><![CDATA[Brain food.<br/><br/>Within a fairly small space the author puts forward a theory that spans economics, political science, and group psychology. He then applies this to liberal economies, Marxist theory, and past and present America (i.e. unions, lobbies, agricultural coops). He breaks a few myths...<a href="http://www.goodreads.com/review/show/47666611">more...</a>]]></body>
    
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  <description>
    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
  </description>
  <published>1965</published>
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    <rating>4</rating>
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  <date_added>Sat Jan 10 13:17:48 -0800 2009</date_added>
  <date_updated>Sat Jan 10 13:47:08 -0800 2009</date_updated>
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    <body><![CDATA[A seminal work in public choice. In <em>The Logic of Collective Action</em>, Olson originates what has become the standard story that the public choice economists tell about the role of special-interests in politics. Namely, that a small group is inherently at an advantage against a larger group in arguments...<a href="http://www.goodreads.com/review/show/42593745">more...</a>]]></body>
    
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      <review>
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    <![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]>
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  <description>
    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
  </description>
  <published>1965</published>
</book>

    <rating>2</rating>
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  <read_at>Mon Sep 01 00:00:00 -0700 2008</read_at>
  <date_added>Wed Dec 17 01:53:08 -0800 2008</date_added>
  <date_updated>Wed Dec 17 01:53:34 -0800 2008</date_updated>
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    <body><![CDATA[It's part of the canon, I guess, but it felt a little dated, to be honest.]]></body>
    
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      <review>
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    <![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]>
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  <description>
    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
  </description>
  <published>1965</published>
</book>

    <rating>4</rating>
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  <recommended_for><![CDATA[doctoral students in public administration]]></recommended_for>
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  <read_at>Sat Oct 25 00:00:00 -0700 2008</read_at>
  <date_added>Sat Sep 27 18:44:25 -0700 2008</date_added>
  <date_updated>Sat Oct 25 18:27:52 -0700 2008</date_updated>
  <read_count>Once, and that's enough</read_count>
    <body><![CDATA[An interesting look at the dynamics of group behavior and effectiveness, it describes the dynamics of small groups and large, and gets it right. Olson's description of how groups work is right on the money in my experience. While not exactly entertaining, it is illuminating. ]]></body>
    
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      <review>
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    <![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]>
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  <description>
    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
  </description>
  <published>1965</published>
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  <read_at>Mon Nov 03 00:00:00 -0800 2008</read_at>
  <date_added>Sun Sep 28 09:20:28 -0700 2008</date_added>
  <date_updated>Thu Nov 06 18:42:30 -0800 2008</date_updated>
  <read_count></read_count>
    <body><![CDATA[A classic example of the very best scholarship that turns conventional logic on its head and opens up a whole new field of approaches. Absolutely essential to anyone working with policy or political theory. ]]></body>
    
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
  </description>
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    <body><![CDATA[Best book ever written about group behavior, which means it's the best book ever written about politics. ]]></body>
    
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    <![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]>
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
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    <body><![CDATA[this book made a really good point but I forgot what it was - please remind me]]></body>
    
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
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    <![CDATA[The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Harvard Economic Studies Vol. CXXIV)]]>
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    <![CDATA[<p> This book develops an original theory of group and organizational behavior that cuts across disciplinary lines and illustrates the theory with empirical and historical studies of particular organizations. Applying economic analysis to the subjects of the political scientist, sociologist, and economist, Mr. Olson examines the extent to which the individuals that share a common interest find it in their individual interest to bear the costs of the organizational effort. </p><p> The theory shows that most organizations produce what the economist calls &quot;public goods&quot;--goods or services that are available to every member, whether or not he has borne any of the costs of providing them. Economists have long understood that defense, law and order were public goods that could not be marketed to individuals, and that taxation was necessary. They have not, however, taken account of the fact that private as well as governmental organizations produce public goods. </p><p> The services the labor union provides for the worker it represents, or the benefits a lobby obtains for the group it represents, are public goods: they automatically go to every individual in the group, whether or not he helped bear the costs. It follows that, just as governments require compulsory taxation, many large private organizations require special (and sometimes coercive) devices to obtain the resources they need. </p><p> This is not true of smaller organizations for, as this book shows, small and large organizations support themselves in entirely different ways. The theory indicates that, though small groups can act to further their interest much more easily than large ones, they will tend to devote too few resources to the satisfaction of their common interests, and that there is a surprising tendency for the &quot;lesser&quot; members of the small group to exploit the &quot;greater&quot; members by making them bear a disproportionate share of the burden of any group action. </p><p> All of the theory in the book is in Chapter 1; the remaining chapters contain empirical and historical evidence of the theory's relevance to labor unions, pressure groups, corporations, and Marxian class action. </p><br/><br/>Second printing with new preface and appendix.]]>
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